Ms Sitharaman’s decision on whether to kill the BMS project or not will
reveal her commitment to building real indigenous capability in defence
Senior Indian Army generals, who grew up before smartphones
became a part of our daily lives, are blundering in scrapping as “too costly”
the ~5,000-crore project to indigenously design and develop a Battlefield
Management System (BMS). More tech-savvy junior officers understand the
importance of the BMS, which will provide frontline combat soldiers
with a real-time tactical picture of the battlefield to help them deal with
“the fog of war”. But generals call the shots, and now a defence ministry okay
is all that is needed to cancel this promising initiative.
The success of the US Army in Gulf war I (1991), when
Saddam Hussein's well armed and battle hardened Iraqi Army folded in less than
96 hours, amply demonstrated the power of a networked force. The defence
ministry must also evaluate the army's wish to foreclose the BMS in the light
of the Chinese BMS (named Qu Dian) which began deployment 10 years ago.
Even Pakistan is working on their own BMS named Rehbar. If the
Indian military wishes to avoid the fate of Hussein's forces, it too
must network its battlefield units securely and robustly.
Then there is the need to prioritise "Make” category
projects -- including the BMS, there are only three in the pipeline. These harness
Indian defence industry to develop “complex, high-tech systems”, with the
government reimbursing 80 per cent of the development cost. Such projects build
design and development skills and systems integration capability, which is far
more important than “Make in India” projects, which merely involve assembling
imported components and systems to blueprints provided by a foreign “original equipment
manufacturer” (OEM) under “transfer of technology”. Defence Minister Nirmala
Sitharaman’s decision — whether to kill the BMS “Make” project or nurture it —
will be a revealing indicator of her commitment to building real indigenous
capability in defence.
Why is the BMS more important than buying the tanks and guns
for which the army wants to save its money? A BMS is a “force
multiplier” that uses information and communications technology (ICT) to
enhance the effectiveness of the field force and the weapons they operate? An
example of this in civilian life is Google Maps. Buying a fast (and expensive)
car has limited benefits in terms of reaching one’s destination sooner, but
Google Maps’ software does that more effectively. It chooses the fastest route
by “crowd sourcing” traffic conditions, with user inputs updating this dynamic
element in real time. This allows for the most efficient use of the road.
Extrapolating this cheap and commonsensical solution to the battlefield, the
“crowd-sourcing” of inputs from friendly elements on the battlefield —
soldiers, weapons systems or surveillance devices that form a part of one’s own
force — builds up a common operating picture of the battlefield that
is updated in real time. The “battlefield transparency” this creates enables
soldiers and combat commanders to react to emerging situations faster than the
enemy. Network centricity is all about being faster on the OODA loop – the
action sequence of Observe, Orient, Decide, Act – than the adversary. In
non-military terms that means being quicker in picking up and identifying the
enemy, deciding how and with what weapons to engage him, and then actually
doing so. A strong BMS system that provides battlefield transparency, and
enables the immediate use of firepower and manpower, creates greater combat
effect than expensive tanks, guns or fighter aircraft that are unable to use
their capabilities to full effect.
Although creating a BMS combat network would be cheaper than
buying weapons platforms, it still requires the expenditure of significant
sums. In 2011, the defence ministry approved the BMS for an overly optimistic
~350 crore. Other worldwide benchmark projects indicate $1.5-2.0 billon
dollars in initial investments towards developing BMS-type “force multiplier
“capabilities.
Today, the combined cost quoted by the two “development agencies” (DAs) – one,
a consortium of Tata Power (Strategic Engineering Division) and Larsen &
Toubro; the other between Bharat Electronics Ltd and Rolta India – is a more
realistic ~5,000 crore. This would be paid out over five years, but the
army is unwilling to earmark even ~1,000 crore per year for this
revolutionary project, which would harness India’s demonstrated skills in
information technology. Given the range of technologies that it would galvanise,
the BMS would be not just a “force multiplier” for the military but equally for
the ICT economy.
Why does developing two BMS prototypes cost so much? The
other ICT-based networks the army is developing — such as the “artillery
command, control and communications system”, which integrates fire support from
artillery guns; or the “battlefield surveillance system” that integrates
surveillance systems — are basically software systems. These will ride on a
communications network called the “tactical communications system” (TCS), which
is being developed as a separate “Make” programme. The BMS, however, is
intended for the combat soldier, who would outpace communications networks like
the TCS, especially in situations like an advance into enemy territory. The
BMS, therefore, requires its own communications backbone, built on sophisticated
“software defined radio” (SDR) that provides enormous flexibility with its
ability to function on disparate “wave forms”. This means the BMS must have
advanced communications technology, on which the information technology
component is fully integrated. All these must be engineered as part of the
project. The US Army tried in vain to ride its BMS on a generic radio, the
Joint Tactical Radio System. Some $15 billion later, they realised the
hardware and software had to be engineered together in a “system of systems”
approach. Each element and device in the BMS has to be planned for SWAP (size,
weight and power), and a range of waveforms have to be created.
The day of reckoning for the BMS is December 29, when the
two DAs must submit their “detailed project reports”, including final price
estimates, to the Defence Production Board (DPrB), which the defence secretary
currently heads. The ministry is currently squeezing the DAs to bring down
their prices by over 30 per cent, even if that means reducing the scope of
the BMS project. It is mind-boggling to see a government that claims to be
committed to defence preparedness and indigenisation haggling with defence
industry over a project that would bring to the Indian military a “revolution
in military affairs”, albeit three decades after it transformed the US
military’s way of warfare. It is time for Ms Sitharaman to step in and end this
nonsense.
ajaishukla
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