106 upgraded Tejas jets to replace MiGs

The Ministry of Defence has decided to locally produce 106 upgraded Light Combat Aircraft “Tejas” jets to replace the ageing fleet of MiG fighter aircraft of the Indian Air Force. The “Tejas Mark 1-A” will have 43 improvements over the existing Tejas currently being test-flown by the IAF for various parameters and slated for final operation clearance in March. The existing project is running years behind schedule. Sources told The Tribune that a decision has been taken to produce 106 “Tejas Mark 1-A” jets and the same has been conveyed to the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), besides the manufacturer — Bangalore-based Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), a public sector undertaking owned by MoD. The MoD has set a 2018 deadline for the first aircraft to be ready with a target to complete its production by 2022-2023. In September, new specifications were agreed upon and the IAF accepted 43 modifications that could be carried out without changing the existing design.
  On the list of modifications are five major improvements, including an AESA (active electronically scanned array) radar, which the HAL will co-develop with Israel firm Elta; air-to-air refuelling facility; externally fitted self-protection jammer to prevent incoming enemy missiles from homing in using radar signature; and a new layout, involving 27 modifications, of internal systems to iron out maintenance issues. The plane will be 1,000 kg lighter than the existing version, which currently weighs 6,500 kg, but will use the same engine — General Electric’s 404. “The power of the engine is more than enough,” said a senior functionary. Fitting the newer and more powerful GE-414 engine would entail fresh design and airframe studies. 
The HAL has been asked to produce 16 jets annually and a Rs 1,252-crore modernisation plan has been okayed to ramp up capacities from the present six-seven planes annually.The decision will go a long way in keeping the IAF battle-ready.  The upgraded jets will fill the void created by MiG-21s and MiG-27s that will be phased out by 2022. There are 260 Soviet-era single-engine MiG-21 and MiG-27 jets in the IAF fleet. The air force needs 400 jets over the next 10 years.

 tribuneindia

DRDO Gears up for Canister Launch of Agni-V

 The Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) is preparing for the second canisterised launch of India’s most potent home-grown surface-to-surface nuclear capable missile Agni-V.  Sources said preparations have begun at the Abdul Kalam Island test facility for the test scheduled in the last week of February. As the missile has to traverse across the Indian Ocean, all logistic issues are to be fixed prior to the launch. The missile has a strike range of more than 5,000 km, the longest one in the arsenal.
A defence official associated with the mission said since Agni-V is a complex system and the attempt is to fire it from a canister, scientists are on the job to achieve greater accuracy. “The missile will be fired from the confines of its canister, a hermetically-sealed airtight container mounted on a road-mobile Tatra truck,” he said.
According to DRDO, the missile is among the best in its class in the world with its advanced ring-laser gyros, composite rocket motors and highly accurate micro-navigation systems and inertial navigation systems.
As Agni-V incorporates advanced technologies involving ring laser gyroscope and accelerometer for navigation and guidance, its accuracy level is far higher than 700-km range Agni-I, 2,000-km range Agni-II and 3,000-km range Agni-III.
The canister-launch system will give the armed forces the requisite operational flexibility to promptly transport the ballistic missile and launch it from a place of their choice. The DRDO is also working on the canister version of other Agni series of missiles including Agni-I, Agni-III and Agni-IV, the official informed.
So far three tests of Agni-V, including one canister version, have been conducted. The missile will be inducted in the armed forces after two to three more tests. “The next focus will be more on multiple independently targetable re-entry vehicles (MIRVs) and manoeuvring warheads to defeat enemy ballistic missile defence systems,” said a DRDO scientist.
With MIRV features each missile can be capable of carrying two to 10 separate nuclear warheads and each warhead can be assigned to a different target, hundreds of kms away from each other and alternatively, two or more warheads can be assigned to one target.
Developed by the DRDO, the intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) Agni-V can target all of Asia and parts of Africa and Europe. It is part of the Agni series of missiles developed under the Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme (IGMDP).  The three-stage, 17-metre tall, two-metre wide Agni-V, weighing 50 tonnes, is capable of carrying a nuclear warhead of about 1.5 tonnes. Capable of destroying enemy satellites, this missile flies at a speed of Mach 24.

 newindianexpress

Russia to start work on joint plan to produce light military choppers in India this year

 

NEW DELHI: Russia is planning to initiate work on a joint plan to produce light military choppers in India this year and has identified the helicopters for export orders as well. Sharing details of a new Indo-Russian joint venture company to produce KA 226 helicopters, a top Russian executive has also indicated that a private Indian company could also be involved in the project and would be chosen by the Indian government.
The agreement to jointly produce at least 200 of the KA 226 light choppers in India was signed during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Moscow visit in December and for the first time, the Russian side has shared details of the project with ET.  Viktor Kladov, Head, International Cooperation of Rostec -  Russia's overarching military systems development and export corporation - has said in an exclusive interview that France, which provides the engines for the chopper, is also onboard for technology transfer.  "A number of technical discussions will take place and I hope that before the end of this year, work will start.
 The chopper utilized the best technologies available globally, including the French engines. We have had negotiations with our French partners and are satisfied are on board," Kladov said, adding that HAL (the Indian JV partner for the contract) is already license producing French chopper engines.  Rostec is also looking to jointly export military and civilian versions of the chopper from the Indian line after meeting domestic demands.
"The joint agreement reads that the line will produce no less than 200 choppers. This means that 200 is a confirmed government order. We will definitely be looking at other civilian orders and international markets as well," the top executive said, adding that the chopper for be used for a variety of roles from search and rescue to medical ambulance and geo mapping.  Kladov also indicated that an Indian private company could also be brought on board for the KA 226 production as there is  a provision in the joint agreement. "It is mentioned in the agreement that the Indian side will consist of HAL and another company - we don't exclude that in some part, a private Indian company could be involved. For example, it could be for certain composite elements that can be produced locally," he said. 
Officials in the Indian Defence Ministry have also told ET that one or two partners from the private sector would be considered for the project but would be chosen by the government on technical and financial parameters.   Russia is also planning a significant presence at the upcoming Defence Expo that is being held in Goa this March. Kladov shared that over 60 Russian companies are to participate at the expo that is taking place outside the capital for the first time and several Russian systems, including tanks and combat vehicles are likely to be displayed.

economictimes

FGFA back on-track :: Moscow and Delhi to invest $8 billion in 5th gen fighter jets

 

The Indian Air Force (IAF) and Russian aircraft manufacturer Sukhoi have agreed to develop an Indo-Russian fifth generation fighter aircraft (FGFA). Negotiators made a breakthrough last month deciding to lower investment cost to $4 billion for each country.
The deal opens the prospect of producing 250 FGFAs to replace the multirole Sukhoi-30MKI fighter, according to the source in India’s Ministry of Defence as quoted by Business Standard.
The 2008 deal is projected to cost each country $6 billion, adjusted for inflation. India’s state-owned Hindustan Aeronautics and Russia’s Sukhoi have agreed to cut costs by 40 percent to $4 billion each over seven years.
The countries will invest $1 billion in the first year and another $500 million in each of the following six years.
In the meantime, India is negotiating with France on buying 36 multirole Rafale fighters for a price yet to be negotiated. French President Francois Hollande arrives in Delhi on Monday to sort out the financial details.
However, with the agreement reached between India and Russia and Rafale’s projected astronomical cost, the spotlight could go back to the Indo-Russian fighter, according to spokesman from India’s Ministry of Defence.

indiadefencenews/ibc

India to play waiting game over Rafale price

India will not be tied down to a timeline on the Rafale deal and is prepared to wait it out for the French to lower the cost, sources have indicated.
Sources also indicated that even in the run-up to French President Francois Hollande’s visit, the Indian government had decided that it was not going to be pushed into a corner on time lines due to the presidential visit. “When you are acquiring a product, you look for the best price. Why should we set ourselves a time line,” sources said. As it turned out, the Indian government stood its ground due to which the two sides could not mutually agree on the cost of the deal. Speculation is rife that while France wants about 11.5 billion euros, In-dia wants the cost lowered to about 8 billion euros.
But the development is bad news for the Indian Air Force (IAF), which desperately wants modern fighter aircraft to boost the number of fighter aircraft squadrons. The developments have also become an example of how urgently-needed acquisitions for the armed forces have been delayed by several years, adversely impacting the operational preparedness of the three services.
In this case, the “request for proposal” (RFP) was issued way back in 2007 for 126 medium multi-role combat aircraft (MMRCA), a race which Dassault ultimately won after being selected as the lowest bidder. But after protracted contract negotiations between India and Dassault. the proposed deal made no headway, following which India decided last year, during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to France, that it would acquire 36 Rafale fighter aircraft directly from the French government by a separate process, citing the operational necessity of the IAF. India also decided to “withdraw” the earlier-issued RFP for 126 MMRCA.But the cost negotiations for these 36 aircraft, even after months of negotiations, could not be concluded in time for President Hollande’s visit, with top government sources describing the negotiations as “complicated”. French firm Dassault — the manufacturer of the Rafale — had already issued a statement on Monday saying it was actively supporting French authorities in their efforts to finalise a complete agreement in the next four weeks.

 asianage

Rafale: how the "mother of all deals" ended up like an "unplanned child"

 

It began with the idea of buying 126 fighter jets, for which the French Rafale was chosen in 2012. Negotiations broke down sometime in 2014. Then there was no news about the jets till April 2015 when Modi, during his trip to France, surprised everyone by announcing a much smaller, 36 fighter jet deal.
But after years of talking to the French, there's still no clarity about what this new deal will eventually cost India. That's why there's little excitement about the Inter Governmental Agreement (IGA) over the Rafale deal that the two countries signed on Monday.
From being 'the mother of all defence deals', the Rafale jet deal has come to us, as an expert recently put it, 'like an unplanned child.'

If the latest development on the Rafale jet business means something, it means a minor victory for the French. Because the Indians have now conceded a hand to the French in price negotiations, by committing itself to buying the Rafale jets.
This seems to be what France wanted for the time being. It was reportedly looking to conclude the deal and make a joint statement during President Hollande's India visit.
The deal is quite important for French economy. And from the point of view of India, whose Air Force dominance in the subcontinent is depleting rapidly due to its ageing fighter squadrons, getting the state-of-the-art fighter jets is critical.
Here we take a look at how the cost of French fighter jets have spiralled upwards and try to understand why India needs to clinch this deal quickly.
To begin with, why does India needs these fighter jets?
Indian Air Force (IAF) has been interested in buying the Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) since 2001. It was because IAF could anticipate how obsolete some of its fire-power would become within a couple of decades, which is what it's suffering now.
The Air Force, which has a projected requirement of 44 squadrons, currently operates with 32 squadrons. Of these there are 14 squadrons of out-of-date MiG-21s and MiG-27s, which have to be retired from 2017 onward. Some of the other squadrons of Mirage-2000s and Jaguars are also in process of being upgraded.
At the same time India's neighbours have been working to modernise their air forces. China, which cannot collaborate with Western countries in defence because of arms restrictions on it, has been working with the Russians to develop advanced fighter jets. JF-17s are a result of this and more projects are in the pipeline.

Pakistan, on the other side, is updating its air force with the help of the Americans. The sale of F-16s, which was temporarily halted, has reportedly been resumed again.
With 36 Rafales, the Indian Air Force is looking at setting up two squadrons of the best available fighter jets immediately to maintain its aerial superiority in the subcontinent.
So why isn't India buying these jets?
While all other matters have been settled, the two countries have basically not made much progress on financial negotiations for the past one and a half years. This is also because the positions from which the two countries began negotiating
India was in a commanding position in 2012 when it was ready to offer $12 billion in exchange for 126 advanced fighter jets. All the world's biggest fighter jets, from the Americans with their F/A-18 Super Hornets, the Russians with MiG-35s, the British with Eurofighter Typhoons, to the Swedes with Saab's Grippens, had lined up for this incredible contract.
At that time India was dictating terms to the French, for whom this contract would mean employment guarantee for 7000 employees and 500 subcontractors of Dassault Aviation, the manufacturer of Rafales, which was going through a dry patch then.
To speed up acquisition of the hardware it was agreed that this contract would directly be between the two countries.
However talks between the two countries on 126 aircraft deal broke down as the total cost escalated up to $22 billion. India subsequently placed a new order for 36 Rafales in ready-to-fly condition.
While India to press for better bargains, Egypt and Qatar placed orders of 24 Rafales allowing the French to breathe easy and giving them some confidence while negotiating with India.
Initially the order of 36 jets was expected to cost India $4 billion. But the costs have since, as several media portals have reported, almost doubled.
Latest estimates put the worth of the jets at $9 billion, or Rs 60,000 crore. And it's not just about the cost of the aircraft. India and France are also negotiating the offsets in this deal.
What are offsets?
Offset agreements, followed in defence contracts around the world, are basically conditions put on the seller of a technology to buy products or services from a client. The common practice is to ask the seller to invest a certain amount of the project, back in the buyer's market.
For instance, it is like asking the French to invest a certain percentage of the Rafale deal contract back in India, under Modi's Make in India initiative, which is actually what is happening. In India any defence contract over Rs 300 crore entails an offset cost of 30%. In bigger deals offset is also increased to 50%.
So far the French were arguing hard against bearing offset costs since they're selling Rafales to India at the same cost at which the French air force buys them. However, France's finance minister, Michel Sapin, on Monday pledged to invest $10 billion in India in the coming years. This is good news and may settle the offset debate for good.
Finally, are 36 fighter aircraft enough for the IAF?
No. With their initial order of 126 fighter jets, India was looking to set up 6 squadrons of the best fighter aircraft in the world. But since that order seems to have died a natural death, India would be looking to immediately strengthen its numbers by setting up 2 squadrons.
And possibly inducting more Rafales by either setting up a facility in India or aiding the transfer of technology from Dassault to Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL).

 dailyhunt

Around 130 Pak nuclear warheads aimed at deterring India: US govt report

 Pakistan's nuclear warheads which are estimated to be between 110-130 are aimed at deterring India from taking military action against it, a latest Congressional report has said.

The report also expressed concern that Islamabad's "full spectrum deterrence" doctrine has increased risk of nuclear conflict between the two South Asian neighbours.

"Pakistan's nuclear arsenal probably consists of approximately 110-130 nuclear warheads, although it could have more. Islamabad is producing fissile material, adding to related production facilities, deploying additional nuclear weapons, and new types of delivery vehicles," Congressional Research Service (CRS) said in its latest report.In its 28-page report, the CRS noted that Pakistan's nuclear arsenal is widely regarded as designed to dissuade India from taking military action against it, but Islamabad's expansion of its nuclear arsenal, development of new types of nuclear weapons and adoption of a doctrine called "full spectrum deterrence" have led some observers to express concern about an increased risk of nuclear conflict between Pakistan and India, which also continues to expand its nuclear arsenal.

CRS is the independent research wing of the US Congress, which prepares periodic reports by eminent experts on a wide range of issues so as to help lawmakers take informed decisions. "Pakistan has in recent years taken a number of steps to increase international confidence in the security of its nuclear arsenal," said the CRS report authored by Paul K Kerr and Mary Beth Nikitin.

Moreover Pakistani and US officials argue that, since the 2004 revelations about a procurement network run by former Pakistani nuclear official A Q Khan, Islamabad has taken a number of steps to improve its nuclear security and to prevent further proliferation of nuclear-related technologies and materials, it said. A number of important initiatives, such as strengthened export control laws, improved personnel security, and international nuclear security cooperation programmes, have improved Pakistan's nuclear security, the CRS said. "However, instability in Pakistan has called the extent and durability of these reforms into question. Some observers fear radical takeover of the Pakistani government or diversion of material or technology by personnel within Pakistan's nuclear complex," the CRS said.

timesofindia

IAF keen on having radar along Chinese border

With the objective of keeping a closer and stricter vigil on any possible movement by China along the border that it shares with India in the tribal district of Kinnaur, the Indian Air Force is keen to set up their radar near here. The Indian Air Force (IAF) officials from Kasauli yesterday held a meeting with senior state government officials regarding transfer of land for the setting up of the radar and other infrastructure near Theog, 30 km from here. They are keen that the formalities with regard to acquiring of private land for setting up of the radar is expedited so that they are able to have their set up at the earliest. They are also probing the possibility of having radar close to the Chinese border in Kinnaur.
 The Indian Air Force (IAF) had initiated the process for acquiring of land for setting up their radar near Theog more than three years ago but did not pursue the matter further. In fact, the then Deputy Commissioner (Shimla) had got the land identified and the forest clearances had also been sought for that chunk of land to be used for defence requirements. After the terror attack at its air base in Pathankot, the IAF is keen to go ahead with the proposal which had been lying dormant till now.
  India shares boundary with China in the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR) in the tribal district of Kinnaur. “The IAF is keen to have a radar and other set-up closer to the Chinese border in Kinnaur so that there can be closer vigil and faster communication which is presently done from Ambala,” said sources. There has been an instance when two Chinese helicopters entered the Indian air space in Kinnaur. It took some time before this violation could be communicated and action could be taken. The Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) guards the border with China in Kinnaur.
  Intelligence agencies have been stressing on India strengthening its communication network and other infrastructure along the Chinese border in Kinnaur. Though trade between India and China has resumed along the Shipki La Pass in Kinnaur, till date no Chinese trader has been allowed to enter India. While in sharp contrast to the poor roads and communication network in the border villages of Kinnaur, the roads and other infrastructure is excellent in the villages on the Chinese side.

 tribuneindia

France to pitch for naval version of Rafale

 

A high-level French team is set to meet senior officials of the Navy soon to brief them about the naval version of fighter jet Rafale as India works on the design of its next indigenous aircraft carrier- Vishal.Defence sources said that during the meeting, the French side will give a presentation on the various aspects of the naval version of Rafale and the benefits it will bring at a time when the Air Force will operate Rafale too.
The Air Force is set to acquire 36 Rafales under a government-to government deal.  The development comes when the Navy is in the design phase for the next aircraft carrier. 
Sources said that India has written to four countries, including France, seeking proposals for the design of the aircraft carrier that will have over 50 planes on board.  While India currently operates two aircraft carriers INS Vikramaditya and INS Viraat, the latter is set to be decommissioned soon. The country’s first indigenous aircraft carrier Vikrant is already under construction in Kochi and is scheduled to be handed over by end of 2018.  Sources said that one of the basis of the design will be the aircraft component of the carrier.  “At this moment, we are doing with what we have,” the sources said.
The Navy will deploy MiG 29K fighter aircraft on Vikrant. However, it is not clear if the Navy will stick to MiG 29K or go in for a new aircraft for Vishal.  As per the Navy’s plan, Vishal would be a 65,000 tonnes aircraft carrier and will be about 300 metres long and about 70 metres in width.
While the exact propulsion system for it has not beeen decided, sources indicated it could well be a nuclear one.  “Given the long life cycle of a carrier, about 50 years, the cost of the nuclear propulsion will be recovered as nuclear means longer duration and better availability,” the sources said.

PTI

Deal, yes. But a good deal...?

 

The economic and infrastructural assumptions at the base of the two big ticket items of the India-France bilateral — Rafale fighter jets and nuclear reactors — are flawed. Hence, even if the deals are signed, they will not bring about a transformation in strategic ties
French President François Hollande’s visit to India is being seen as a turning point of sorts in terms of the India-France ‘strategic partnership’ (whatever that means) but all indications are that it could turn out to be a damp squib. While all heads of state visits will routinely include smaller agreements, the true determinants of success will ultimately be the big ticket items in the pipeline — or so the narrative goes.
There is no doubt that a whole host of limited value (or sometimes valueless) ‘cooperation’, ‘consultation’ and ‘cultural’ agreements will be signed. But even if the big ticket defence and nuclear deals, that are seen as defining the strategic partnership between India and France in the next few decades go through, they will be of limited utility. The problem is that the fundamental economic and infrastructural assumptions of most of these deals are flawed, and the potential for strategic transformation, consequently, remains acutely limited.
Topping the list of French priorities will be the Rafale deal, now drastically reduced from 126 fighter jets to 36 but still proving to be a nightmare to negotiate largely owing to a price blow-out of over 300 per cent. It now seems de rigeur that every time the negotiations run into problems, reports in major newspapers emerge claiming that the deal is “almost done” and will be signed “next week” or “next month”. This has already happened seven times since 2011, and the reports that are emerging now saying that “the deal will be signed next week” are the eight such time to count.
These reports now have to be seen as a sign of desperation — a method of putting pressure on the Government to sign, but clearly such methods seem to have zero effect. The problem is one of price as well as the fact that public opinion and Press reports have next to no influence on the Defence Ministry. This is probably for the best — thankfully, good economics seems to have trumped the Prime Minister’s rather hasty promise to the French President in April 2015. It is possibly safe to assume that the Rafale deal will not happen during the current visit.
The second issue is the nuclear one. France is the world leader in the construction of nuclear reactors and its reprocessing technology has been the subject of the Indian establishment’s ‘techno-lust’ for quite some time now. The building of French civilian reactors in India also dovetails rather neatly into the Indian Navy’s plans to consolidate its submarine fleet into Western single hull designs, hopefully with a French reactor — currently the only Western military design that India has any hope of purchasing.
The India-France nuclear picture, as it stands, is this: In the military area, India is constructing a derivative of the conventional French Scorpene submarine and hopes to translate the expertise so gained into a single hull nuclear submarine fleet. Optimally, this will be mated to a French-designed reactor —a reactor the Indian Navy covets intensely but does not seem to have mustered the courage to ask for directly. The requests that have gone to the French have, at best, been indirect, couched in so much diplomatese as to make their importance go un-noticed.
France is a signatory to the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, which does not prevent the sale of militarised nuclear reactors. The sale of such reactors is, however, prohibited under French law. An Indian request for such reactors, if it were made directly and in simple language, would be couched in Indian ‘exceptionalism’. Essentially, we’d be telling the French: “We’re different, so change your laws for us”.
Aside from the legal problems, there is also the political opposition to such a deal within France as well as the question of international precedent. The French, however, have always been notoriously independent — far more ‘strategically autonomous’ than India has ever dared to be or even dreamed of. The quantity of the order (and, hence, the price of the contract) has to be hefty enough to overcome the institutional resistance within France to the deal.
However, even if the French agreed, their retort will also be one of exceptionalism: “Since we are making an exception for you by selling you militarised reactors, you must exempt France, and no one else, from the civil nuclear liability laws.” This will be akin to France asking for a monopoly in the Indian market.
This could actually be a good thing. It will germinate the seeds of a true strategic partnership, where the viability of the French nuclear industry is dependent on India, and where India’s nuclear well-being is dependent on a trusted ally that has repeatedly refused to sanction India and even thwarted harshly-worded UN resolutions after the nuclear tests of 1998.
However, while such a situation sounds good in theory, it is far from a being workable. India does not have enough money in the defence budget to give the Navy a sizeable nuclear fleet. In the absence of size, a large part of said nuclear fleet will have to be cut up every six to seven years for refuelling the core. This is a cheap option for France, which uses the exact same fuel in its civilian and military reactors and can use the fuel interchangeably.
For India, however, this is a ruinously expensive option. It means either large parts of the nuclear fleet will have to be laid up every year or that India will have to invest in a duplication of the entire fuel reprocessing infrastructure — one for civilian and one for military — and this will be in addition to the military infrastructure set-up needed to re-process bomb-grade fissile material.
In the civilian arena, short of a radical overhaul of Indian power laws and a crackdown on electricity theft, it is hard to see how the expensive French reactors can breakeven on operating and construction costs, or can even be built in sufficient numbers to generate the economies of scale given that military economies of scale cannot apply here (unlike in France), given India’s unique agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency.
Clearly then, the economics of the two big ticket items — nuclear reactors and Rafale — simply aren’t working out. We may well sign them, but the prospects for ‘strategic transformation’ in relations is non existent — deal or no deal.

 dailypioneer

To fight China’s Andaman and Nicobar forays, India deploys submarine hunters

With Chinese nuclear and conventional submarines regularly popping up in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), India has now begun to deploy its latest long-range maritime patrol aircraft as well as spy drones at its forward military base in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

Defence ministry sources on Monday said two of the country's most potent submarine hunters/killers, the naval Poseidon-8I aircraft, are just about to complete their first-ever two-week deployment to the strategically-located Andaman and Nicobar archipelago. "Navy and IAF are also deploying their (Israeli) Searcher-II unmanned aerial vehicles to the islands on a temporary basis," said a source.

India has inducted eight P-8I aircraft, acquired under a $2.1 billion deal inked in January 2009 with US aviation major Boeing, at its INS Rajali naval air station in Arakkonam (Tamil Nadu). With an operating range of over 1,200 nautical miles and a maximum speed of 907kmph, the radar-packed P-8Is are especially geared to gather intelligence and detect threats in the IOR as "intelligent hawk-eyes".Armed as they are with deadly Harpoon Block-II missiles, MK-54 lightweight torpedoes, rockets and depth charges, the P-8Is can neutralize enemy submarines and warships if required. "AThe case for acquisition of another four P-8Is is in the final stages. P-8Is can operate from Port Blair (naval air station INS Utkrosh) to keep tabs on the entire region," said the source.
 But while this is a much-needed operational requirement, India's first and only theatre command in the shape of Andaman & Nicobar Command (ANC) continues to suffer from relative neglect despite the Modi government making it a top priority. Much more needs to be done at a faster pace to ensure ANC, with requisite military force-levels and infrastructure, can effectively act as a pivot to counter China's strategic moves in IOR as well as ensure security of sea lanes converging towards the Malacca Strait.Sources said "not much progress" has been made in the overall plan to have enough infrastructure and maintenance support with more airstrips and jetties in the 572-island cluster, extending over 720km, to eventually deploy a division-level force (around 15,000 troops), a fighter squadron and some major warships there. As of now, amid turf wars among Army, Navy and IAF as well as fund crunches and environmental concerns, ANC has just over an infantry brigade (3,000 soldiers), 20 small warships and patrol vessels, and a few Mi-8 helicopters and Dornier-228 patrol aircraft.


While the existing runways at Campbell Bay in the south, where naval air station INS Baaz is located, and Shibpur in North Andaman are yet to be extended, the airfields at Port Blair and Car Nicobar also need some serious upgrade work. "Similarly, only one of the four proposed operational turn-around bases for warships is so far in place," said a source.

timesofindia

R-Infra announces takeover of Pipavav Defence

Reliance Infrastructure (R-Infra) on Monday announced the takeover of the management and control of Pipavav Defence & Offshore Engineering Co (PDOC). It would hold 36.5 per cent of the equity capital of PDOC.

Anil D Ambani has taken over as chairman of PDOC.

R-Infra, along with defence special purpose vehicles, are the new promoters of PDOC. The company will be renamed Reliance Defence and Engineering. This is the largest acquisition in the defence sector in India. The sector is likely to attract orders of Rs 1.2 lakh crore ($20 billion) in the next five years, said the company. Vice-admiral (retired) H S Malhi has been appointed whole-time director and chief executive of the company. He has 36 years of experience in the Indian Navy and was earlier chairman and managing director of Mazagon Dock.PDOC has also appointed air chief marshal (retired) Fali Homi Major and Lt general (retired) Syed Ata Hasnain as independent directors.

The Government of India has identified ship building as a priority sector to support the critical need to meet the requirements of the Indian Navy as well as that of commercial ships. The expected naval capital outlay in ship-building for the next 10 years is Rs 2.25 lakh crore, of which the private sector is expected to grab at least 50 per cent amounting to Rs 1,12,500 crore, the company said.

PDOC is participating in various programmes in the field of new ship-building and maintenance, repair and overhaul worth Rs 1.8 lakh crore.

The company is the first private-sector firm in India to obtain the licence and contract to build warships. The facility houses the only modular shipbuilding facility with a capacity to build fully fabricated and outfitted blocks. The fabrication facility is spread over 2.1 million sq ft. The shipyard has a pre-erection berth of 980 metres length and 40 metres width, and two Goliath cranes with combined lifting capacity of 1,200 tonnes, besides outfitting berth length of 780 metres.

Reliance Defence is a wholly-owned subsidiary of Reliance Infrastructure with industrial licences for the full spectrum of military platforms

businessstandard