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June 8, 2020

India’s Two-Front War: Myths and IAFs’ capability to fight


The scenario wherein India is engaged with its traditional opponent in the western sector and the Red Dragon opens up the eastern front, or vice versa is a ‘sticky wicket’ to play on.

Questions have been asked, war games have been played and strategies have been built around this scenario to get a feel and predict the requirements so as to be prepared for addressal in future. If an analysis of the probable situation is to be done the first item needing attention is the reality and the efficacy of a two-front war. Is it possible to have one and how effectively can the opponent(s) run the campaign?

Yes, a two-front war is a definite possibility in the Indian context nevertheless, the war envisaged, would be very difficult to coordinate and execute by the opponents. The worst-case scenario for India is, both, the western as well as eastern fronts being attacked simultaneously, thus forcing her to divide the war efforts. Any more coordinated effort by the enemies would require centralised command and control structures, aka WW II, which is envisaged not to be a possibility in the present situation. Thus, bereft of centralised command, the efficacy of a two-front attack and maintenance of the aim is diluted, giving India the edge.

For India, it would now mean breaking down the war into three distinct major geographical theatres viz. the west theatre, encompassing the borders and sea we share with Pakistan, the north theatre, encompassing the border regions of Ladakh down south to the northwestern edge of Nepal and the northeastern theatre, encompassing border regions from the south-east of Nepal to all the way up to Arunachal and further down towards the south. The border regions of Nepal, approx 1500 km and that of Myanmar to the Far East is expected to be left off the main battle. This sounds rather rosy but in actuality would be a Herculean task for the centralised war room at Delhi to handle. Airpower which paves the way for all modern campaigns, need to match up to the challenges on all three fronts.

Interestingly, in the context of traditional air warfare, Pakistan stands at a better position to threaten India, than China would. Adequacy of airbases all along the border and a tight network of air defence system provide Pakistan just the required platform for an ideal offensive and subsequent defence. China whereas, all along its area of interest, lacks adequate airbases, the few they have are at very high altitudes, penalising the take-off requirements and all up weight performance.

The PLAAF would have to be broken down, to at least four elements along the entire border and reaching the Indian assets, overflying Nepal or Myanmar, would not only involve international complexities but also the use of multiple air refuelling for every mission. However, on its plus side, China has a robust long-range air defence for most of its bases and vital points, not to forget its wide battery of “second artillery corps”. These missiles could and would prove a threat to India.

China has an arsenal of 2500 +, the surface to surface missiles of varying ranges and CEP (circular error of probability), with conventional warheads, which it would most certainly use against India in the opening wave. However, it needs to be said for IAF that a little care, planning and distribution of assets would render this threat to mostly a nuisance value, in the face of the enormity of the situation.

Civilian targets addressed by these missiles are not being considered here, nor are nuclear warheads. It would be sacrilege to put in actual calculations involving range, warheads, CEP, target diversity & a few other factors, on an open platform, however, it is safe to say the IAF has adequate depth and diversity to nullify the effect of the Chinese SSBM (surface to surface ballistic missiles) rain, the logistics for it and the actual execution would no doubt be a massive task.

The government approved fighter squadron strength for the IAF is 42.5 squadrons of which the existing number of squadrons are in the thirties. The air defence element is undergoing a revamp and looks pretty potent, notwithstanding, for a two-front war this element requires a rather large boost, especially for enemy targets of interest, not within a military zone. Gone are the days of base defence only, its time for Air Defence Umbrella for larger areas.

India’s missile force also needs work to be done on, at present, it is in a very juvenile state, a shade better than Pakistan’s. In conventional warfare, however, the SSBMs don’t really push much weight except for a few tactical ones, which could shape the immediate battlefield. The lift capability of the IAF, in the present state, is rather envious. During the last Ex Gagan Shakti in 2018 and related events of the time, the IAF had demonstrated this capability to the envy of our neighbours, interestingly enough, heavy lift capability of the IAF has increased since.

As and when it happens, in the western theatre, it would be a conventional air war like it has been for the past three full fledged wars with Pakistan. A lot of offensive air action would be seen, to make sure the PAF keeps its head down during the advance of the Indian Army. Also, offensive missions against supplies lines and feeder mechanisms would be undertaken at the onset of hostilities, in addition, missions to suppress the Pak Air defence would be required. These would be closely followed by the actions over the battlefieldwhere in our tactical fighters pound the Pak army. The entire offensive force would require a rock-solid defensive package, to give them cover from enemy fighters. The air battle here would be bloody and intense. The Rafales would welcome such a scenario to prove their multi-billion dollar worth.

The other two theatres would be pretty different, the Indian air battle here would mostly involve a defensive posture. Fewer missions for airfield busting and long-range interdiction would be flown, as compared to the battlefield strikes and shorter-range interdiction missions. It is to be appreciated that the same problems which plague the PLAAF, distance and altitude, causes problems for the IAF too.

The Air defence of own assets would be one of the most important missions in these sectors. Since the Army is the one who would play a major role in most of the places in these sectors, from holding the ‘chickens neck’, to fighting the battle mainly in mountains, most IAF missions would be in support of our surface forces.

Needless to say, the entire IAF has a task cut out in a dual front war. This scenario is generally practised by the IAF during regular intervals, the last exhaustive one being Ex Gagan Shakti, in the first half of 2018. During this exercise, the IAF demonstrated its capability and reinforced its concept of a two front war. Also practised during this, was the swing effort from front to front and very successfully too.

The effort was lauded the world over including, surprisingly, from the state-owned Chinese media. Serviceability rates and launch sustainability rates achieved during the exercise surpassed the USAF efforts at times. The IAF had similar number of fighter squadrons then as it does now, give or take one odd here and there. So are the number of squadrons now sufficient and we never need to reach the magic figure of 42.5?

The answer to the above is a big ‘NO’. Like Sam Manekshaw in the 1971 Indo-Pak war, the IAF had adequate time to plan the entire orchestrated effort for the exercise, a privilege it wont have during actual action nowadays. The blueprint for the exercise was finalised at least two years ago, over the year prior, assets were developed, raised, maintained and nursed for use during the exercise. The capability was demonstrated with a dual message, for the country-to push for the assets so due to the airforce and for the world to take notice of the IAF as a major force.

Since advance notice in case of a present-day armed conflict would be most likely absent or minuscule, the IAF may be caught in an embarrassing situation with the present strength of its assets. It is here when the entire 42.5 squadrons of fighters and other approved machinery of the IAF are required, maybe, even more with the ever-changing face of warfare.

The build-up is slow but seems to be steady over the last few years, the S-400s, the Rafales, the Akash, the LCAs, the Chinooks, the Apaches, the Globemasters, the Hercules, the Prithivis, etc, are all looking good at giving the IAF the required edge, but what looks excellent over the last few years is the will to attempt and succeed. This is by far the biggest force multiplier.

   Financial Express

Philippines plans to procure Brahmos land-based supersonic anti-ship missile system from India


The development of BrahMos is based on the Russian made P-800 Oniks / Yakhont supersonic anti-ship cruise missile. The BrahMos propulsion is based on the Oniks, while the guidance system was developed by BrahMos Aerospace. The first flight test involving BrahMos anti-ship missile was carried out on June 12, 2001, in the Interim Test Range in the state of Orissa, India.

The ship-based BrahMos missiles can carry a conventional semi-armour-piercing warhead of 200 kg. According to India, the Brahmos missile is claimed to be the fastest low-altitude missile in the world. It has a maximum firing range of 500 km.

The Brahmos missile is powered by a two-stage power-plant, with a solid-fuel rocket providing the first stage, accelerating the missile to supersonic speeds and with a liquid-fuelled ramjet as the second stage, accelerating it to a maximum speed of Mach 2.8.
 Block III has advanced guidance and upgraded software, incorporating high maneuvers at multiple points and steep dive from high altitude. The steep dive capability of the Block III enables it to hit targets hidden behind a mountain range. It can engage ground targets from an altitude as low as 10 meters for precision strikes without any collateral damage. It is capable of being launched from multiple platforms like submarines, ships, aircraft and land-based Mobile Autonomous Launchers (MAL).

 Navy Recognition

Has China pushed India into US arms?


Prime Minister Narendra Modi introduced Wuhan to India almost two years before the Chinese city came to be known as the ‘Ground Zero’ of the COVID-19 pandemic. He and his host Chinese President Xi Jinping took a stroll by the East Lake, went on a boat-ride, sipped tea and had lunch together. Their picture-perfect camaraderie made the first India-China ‘informal summit’ in April 2018 a success. It brought back on track the bilateral relations that had hit the nadir following the 72-day-long military stand-off in Doklam the previous year.

The Modi-Xi bonhomie was again on display at the second ‘informal summit’ at a seaside resort near Chennai in October 2019.

There was, however, no trace of the ‘Wuhan Spirit’ or the ‘Chennai Connect’ on the banks of the Pangong Tso lake in eastern Ladakh on May 5, when Chinese soldiers attacked Indian soldiers with stones and sticks near the disputed boundary between the two nations. Over the next few weeks, China deployed nearly 5,000 troops near the Line of Actual Control (LAC) – the de facto border between India and China – even as hundreds of its soldiers transgressed into areas that have for long been understood to be Indian territory. India responded by rushing additional troops “in adequate numbers” to forward positions. The build-up by both sides escalated tension all along the LAC. A skirmish was also reported from Naku La in northern Sikkim on May 9.

The ‘Wuhan Spirit’ started fading after China joined its “all-weather ally” Pakistan to oppose the Modi government’s move last year to reorganise the state of Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories, Jammu & Kashmir, and Ladakh. Beijing saw in the Ladakh move a bid by Delhi to strengthen its claim on Aksai Chin, which is currently under China’s control.

China’s recent aggression on the northern bank of the Pangong Tso was triggered by the construction of a strategic road and a bridge by India. China perceives these constructions as a prelude to a military move by India to wrest control of Aksai Chin.

The LAC is not the only scene where India is at the receiving end of the new aggression that China has resorted to amid the Covid-19 crisis. Beijing is said to have encouraged Nepal to ratchet up its territorial dispute with India. Meanwhile, the Power Construction Corporation of China has embarked on building the Diamer-Bhasha hydro-electric plant in Gilgit-Baltistan, area under illegal occupation by Pakistan.

China has also stepped up its bid to spread its tentacles in the seas around India. The Chinese Navy recently deployed its 35th Task Force in the Indian Ocean, on the pretext of patrolling the sea lanes to protect vessels from pirates. The task force has altogether 690 naval personnel, with the missile destroyer Taiyan and frigate Jingzhou joining ‘counter piracy’ patrol in the Indian Ocean for the first time.
 Over the next few weeks, China deployed nearly 5,000 troops near the Line of Actual Control (LAC) – the de facto border between India and China – even as hundreds of its soldiers transgressed into areas that have for long been understood to be Indian territory. India responded by rushing additional troops “in adequate numbers” to forward positions. The build-up by both sides escalated tension all along the LAC. A skirmish was also reported from Naku La in northern Sikkim on May 9.

The ‘Wuhan Spirit’ started fading after China joined its “all-weather ally” Pakistan to oppose the Modi government’s move last year to reorganise the state of Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories, Jammu & Kashmir, and Ladakh. Beijing saw in the Ladakh move a bid by Delhi to strengthen its claim on Aksai Chin, which is currently under China’s control.

China’s recent aggression on the northern bank of the Pangong Tso was triggered by the construction of a strategic road and a bridge by India. China perceives these constructions as a prelude to a military move by India to wrest control of Aksai Chin.

The LAC is not the only scene where India is at the receiving end of the new aggression that China has resorted to amid the Covid-19 crisis. Beijing is said to have encouraged Nepal to ratchet up its territorial dispute with India. Meanwhile, the Power Construction Corporation of China has embarked on building the Diamer-Bhasha hydro-electric plant in Gilgit-Baltistan, area under illegal occupation by Pakistan.

China has also stepped up its bid to spread its tentacles in the seas around India. The Chinese Navy recently deployed its 35th Task Force in the Indian Ocean, on the pretext of patrolling the sea lanes to protect vessels from pirates. The task force has altogether 690 naval personnel, with the missile destroyer Taiyan and frigate Jingzhou joining ‘counter piracy’ patrol in the Indian Ocean for the first time.
 Unsurprisingly, while Modi has discussed the Covid-19 crisis with many foreign leaders over phone in the past three months, he and Xi have not had a call on the subject. Modi and President Ram Nath Kovind did exchange greetings with their counterparts in Beijing on April 1, on the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between India and China. None, however, invoked the ‘Wuhan Spirit’.

On the other hand, Modi has called US President Donald Trump twice in this period. The second call, on June 2, surprised many as he not only supported Trump’s plan to expand the G-7 to G-11 (without China), but also discussed with him the escalating India-China border tension, just after giving the cold shoulder to Trump’s earlier offer to mediate between the two Asian countries.

Modi not only discussed the LAC situation with Trump, he made sure that it was made public, perhaps in a message to Beijing that if China could not rein in its aggression, it would end up pushing India into America’s waiting arms.

Indeed, that may have already happened. For the Modi-Trump call is not the only sign that India may have tired of the strategic ambiguity it has so far meticulously maintained.

India joined the US, Japan and Australia to re-launch the ‘Quad’ in November 2017 to build a bulwark against the hegemonic aspirations of China in the Indo-Pacific region but had done so hesitatingly and only as a hedge. Indeed, as Delhi’s efforts to mend ties with Beijing gained momentum after Wuhan, India tweaked its policy on the Indo-Pacific, stating that its vision for the region was inclusive and not hostile to any particular country.

This week, though, India signed a military logistics sharing pact with Australia – a move, which came amid China’s growing belligerence, not only on the banks of the Pangong Tso, but also in the contested waters of South China Sea and East China Sea. India had already signed a similar pact with the US in 2016 and is set to ink another with Japan soon. Delhi also seems willing now to invite Australia to join India, US and Japan in naval drills, a move likely to rile Beijing.

That’s not all. New Delhi also joined a subtle bid by the US to expand the Quad. Foreign Secretary Harsh Shringla has been in regular contact with US Deputy Secretary of State, Stephen Biegun, as well as with his counterparts not only in Australia and Japan but also in Vietnam, New Zealand and South Korea.

Though the professed objective of the weekly video-conference they have is to share ideas and best practices to deal with the Covid-19 crisis, it is clear that India is not opposed to the US-led initiative to build a “Quad Plus” to pre-empt an expansion of China’s influence in the region in the post-Covid-19 world order.

Under Modi, just like under previous governments, India went the extra mile between April 2018 and August 2019 to respect Beijing’s sensitivities, including on issues like Tibet and Taiwan, to keep the India-China détente on track. It, however, got very little in return. China continues to oppose India’s entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group. It still defends its “iron brother” Pakistan in the United Nations and other international forums.

Its bid to encircle India through a “string of pearls” has been unrelenting. It continues to build an ‘economic corridor’ that passes through territory claimed by India but illegally occupied by Pakistan. And, it continues its salami slice tactics to cut off pieces of Indian territory all along the LAC.

 Deccan Herald

Tata Lockheed to accelerate manufacturing in Hyderabad


Tata Lockheed Martin Aerostructures Ltd, a joint venture between Tata Advanced Systems Limited (TASL) and Lockheed Martin, is seeing growth opportunities through its operations in Hyderabad, at a time when Central government is bringing defence reforms in terms of defence procurement, pushing indigenous manufacturing and increasing foreign direct investment (FDI).

Sharing the near-term outlook, Abhay Paranjape, chief operating officer, Tata Lockheed Martin Aerostructures, told Telangana Today, “We are already engaged in additional manufacturing for fighters and helicopters in Hyderabad. This will accelerate more by the end of 2020. Once the new defence procurement procedure (DPP) is finalised, there will be more clarity on investment opportunities.”

“As a company, we are going to see disruptive innovations in our operations through Industry 4.0. We are going to use robotics in our Hyderabad facility for things that were done manually, earlier. This will provide leverage in competing worldwide with companies that require the precision,” he added.

 The company is also developing F16 wings at its F16 wings. It expects a capacity to make 3-4 wings a month in the steady state.

Advantage Telangana

Talking about the ecosystem in the State, Paranjape said, Telangana has an advantage as it has a right mix of private industry in Adibatla cluster and in the GMR Aerospace Park, as well as the presence of public sector units and research labs headed by the DRDO and Midhani.

There is a significant layer of MSMEs in the State, which will be benefited from the recent
packages announced by the Finance Ministry, in terms of loans, equity and investments.

Also, Research and Innovation Circle of Hyderabad (RICH) is looking to help MSMEs in the aerospace and defence sector with new capabilities so that they can get loans and equity and enter into new markets.

“Possibilities for Telangana are vast and the challenges can be turned into opportunities. The State is rightly poised to reap opportunities both in the manufacturing and research and development,” he noted.

Defence reforms

Paranjape observes that the recent DPP aims at time-bound procurement. Delays in procurement have been plaguing the Indian defence procurement system for years and that has been one of the major hurdles for industry to go and participate in the procurement process. With the time-bound procurement process, there will be a lot of interest in the industry, globally, to try and see how they can participate in the defence procurement.

The second major change that is coming through is the preference for the indigenous. Since 2012, the government has progressively added the ‘Make in India’ concept but now it is really going to take off, with the Finance Minister announcing specific packages for defence sector and how certain platforms and products that will be procured only from India, he said at a recent CII webinar.

There will also be another trend, ‘buy global but make in India’, which will make global original equipment manufacturers (OEMs) to look at setting up their manufacturing base in India. These developments will open up new doors for the indigenous industry in the country.

Additionally, the government’s focus on indigenous has also resulted in increase in foreign direct investment (FDI), taking the ceiling in automatic route from 49 per cent to 74 per cent, and up to 100 per cent in some cases. This allows funding to come from outside and also gives an incentive to the OEMs worldwide to come and manufacture or develop something in India because they can protect their intellectual property.

If they hold a significant share in their business, they can make sure that the processes and systems are followed according to their international standards. As a result, MSMEs will also be benefited with the presence of these OEMs.
 Technology adoption

From the technology point of view, he said, “New materials are coming in for all sorts of platforms and products. Composites are getting more and more prevalent in structures. Smart structures are coming through that give stealth to aircraft. The man-machine interface is going through radical changes. Unmanned aircraft systems are being increasingly used. India is poised to take advantage of all these developments.”

Smart network systems are also offering new ways of operations, both in terms of on-ground as well as the systems in air. Machine learning, artificial intelligence and networking are going to make a significant impact. Industry 4.0 will bring a new change in defence manufacturing, Paranjape noted.

 Telangana Today

June 5, 2020

Amethi AK-203 factory unlikely to start operations in 2020


The Indo-Russian plan to make assault rifles in Amethi has missed another key milestone over differences in pricing and the travel ban imposed due to the Covid-19 pandemic, making it highly unlikely for the factory to start operations this year.

As per the plan, the OFB-Kalashnikov joint venture (JV) was to arrive at a fair price for setting up and producing almost seven lakh rifles by May-end. This decision was crucial as official plans were in place to commence work at the factory by this year-end.

However, sources said that the project has hit a roadblock now and with a resolution unlikely soon, the factory is not expected to start operations this year. A fresh price bid was to be submitted but commercial terms could not be agreed upon, given the complex nature of the project that involves complete transfer of technology and building the rifles completely in India for the armed forces as well as possible exports in the future.
 Besides its political significance, the factory is expected to generate at least 200 new jobs, including those of specialists and would be geared to produce over 70,000 AK 203 rifles annually. It is also expected to foster a larger ecosystem of suppliers as several components are to be outsourced to MSMEs in Uttar Pradesh as part of the Defence corridor plan.

While negotiations are to continue, there are examples of Indo-Russian collaborative projects that have failed to take off even after agreements were signed at the highest levels. The plan to jointly develop a fifth generation fighter aircraft, for example, was shelved after years of work after the Air Force did not give a go ahead. Similarly, discussions have been on for five years to set up a factory to produce Kamov KA 226T light utility helicopters in India but the project has not moved to the contract signing stage.

The OFB is itself going through a churn after the government announced that it would be restructured and corporatised in the coming months, as part of a larger set of reforms for the defence manufacturing sector.

The stalemate is symptomatic of the larger issue that plagues Make in India –– the setting up of new weapons facilities is cost intensive, pushing up the cost of domestically manufactured arms and making them more expensive than direct imports. However, these costs can be brought down in the long run by mass production and pursuing export opportunities.

The order to manufacture a record 670,00 Kalashnikov AK 203 rifles for the Indian Army has been under discussions for over a year now. The joint project is a high priority for both nations, with Prime Minister Modi and President Vladimir Putin known to have taken a personal initiative to take it ahead at the earliest.

The number is likely to increase to at least 750,000 later as requirements of other forces are added to the order. According to the plan, complete transfer of technology of all components will be achieved during the early stage of production. These rifles will replace the INSAS assault rifles currently in service.

‘Revisiting Tiananmen Square’: RSS mouthpiece devotes cover story to 1989 massacre of students by Chinese PLA


In what could be termed as a psychological warfare between India and China, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the ideological body of the Bharatiya Janata Party, on Thursday recalled the Tiananmen massacre of students at the hands of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army in 1989.

Tensions are rife between India and China over the Red Dragon’s spiteful advancements along the Line of Actual Control it shares with us, especially at a time when the global focus is on the deadly Covid-19 pandemic, which too broke out in China over five months ago.

The Organizer, the magazine brought out by the RSS, used the iconic photograph of Tiananmen Square of a man standing in the path of a column of tanks pushed in by the Communist regime on 4 June 1989 to silence student protests for political freedom.


With the title ‘Revisiting Tiananmen Square’, the Sangh mouthpiece cited moves by the Chinese rulers to murder peaceful protesters just for raising voice against the autocratic establishment.

“As per the assessment report of top leadership of Chinese Communist Party (CCP), including President Xi Jinping, generated by the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations (CICIR) in April 2020, global anti-China sentiment is at its highest since the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown. Though there is no clarity from the Chinese side on this, the report indicates that the tensions are looming large with the Communist regime,” the RSS article read.

The piece also attempted to decode the Tiananmen Square event in the present context of territorial tensions, Hong Kong unrest and the Covid-19 outbreak.

“Despite all attempts to erase the memory, the Tiananmen Square protest in which thousands of innocents were massacred by the Communist regime of China in June 1989 continues to haunt the Chinese regime. The story in Hong Kong, Tibet or Covid-affected Wuhan is not very different,” it further said.

Tiananmen Square is the centre of Beijing’s and China’s political space and also the location where a series of mass murders were carried out by the Maoist Communist regime in China, the RSS mouthpiece observed.

“Though (in)famous for the atrocious crushing of the 1989 uprising by students and ordinary citizens, which the CCP prefers to describe as “counter revolutionary riot”, or “political storm” or in a more neutral term like “political turmoil between the Spring and Summer of 1989”, the Square has been the centre of mass killings from the beginning of the so-called revolution,” the Organizer article read.

 Times Now

ITBP establishes two new headquarters to look after India-China border


The Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) on Thursday issued an order of establishing two command headquarters in Chandigarh and Guwahati.

The Chandigarh headquarters will be headed by IG rank official who will work as Additional Director General (ADG) and look after Ladakh, Leh, and Srinagar areas while the Guwahati sector will look after the north-eastern parts.

Last year in October, the Union Cabinet had approved two new headquarters for ITBP along with 60 extra posts. Two new posts of ADG has been sanctioned by the Cabinet. ITBP is majorly responsible for guarding over 3,400 km-long Line of Actual Control with China.Amid tensions with China, the ITBP stepped up its vigil as Chinese choppers violated Indian airspace twice in recent weeks. These two new headquarters will also look after the international border with China.

"Consequent upon sanction of the government for establishing of two Command Headquarters at Chandigarh and Guwahati respectively, an imperative need is felt to make these establishments functional immediately," DG ITBP SS Deswal said in an order.

"Accordingly, Manoj Singh Rawat, Inspector General (Ops, Int, and Vet), Dt General has been transferred to Command HQ, ITBP, Chandigarh in public interest with immediate effect to function in the capacity of Additional Director General.

The officer will continue to perform the duties of IG (Ops, Int, and Vet) in addition to the duties of Additional Director General, Command HQ Chandigarh till posting of regular incumbent against the post of Inspector General (Ops, Int, and Vet)," Deswal said.

 Times Now

Australia extends support to India for permanent UNSC seat, NSG membership


Australia on Thursday extended its support for India's candidacy for permanent membership of a reformed United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG).

Australia extended its support at the first virtual summit with India. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Australian counterpart Scott Morrison jointly participated in the summit.

During the meeting, the two countries elevated the bilateral Strategic Partnership concluded in 2009 to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP)."Australia reiterated its support for India's candidacy for permanent membership of a reformed UN Security Council (UNSC) and India's candidature for a non-permanent seat at the United Nations Security Council for the 2021-22 term," read a joint statement on CSP between the two countries.

Several countries have backed India to be a permanent member of the UNSC. The body has five permanent members -- China, France, Russia, the UK and the US.

"Both sides reiterated their support for continued bilateral civil nuclear cooperation and their commitment to further strengthen global non-proliferation. Australia expressed its strong support for India's membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG)," it said.

The NSG is a group of nuclear supplier countries that controls the export of materials, equipment and technology that can be used to manufacture nuclear weapons.

Australia welcomed the International Energy Agency's (IEA) strategic partnership with India and looks forward to continuing to work closely on building stronger ties between India and the IEA community, the joint statement said.

The two sides also unveiled a "shared vision for maritime cooperation in the Indo- Pacific" and signed seven agreements focused on crucial areas such as defence and rare earth minerals.

In his remarks, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said India is committed to expanding its relations with Australia on a wider and faster pace. This is important not only for our two countries but also for the Indo-Pacific region and the world, stressed Modi, adding further that Australia is one of India's friends.

"So the criteria for the pace of development in our relations should also be ambitious," he said.

In his remarks, Morrison also reflected on the joint declaration between Australia and India on a shared vision for maritime cooperation in the Indo-Pacific which looks forward to bring together scientists from the two countries.

"We share an ocean. We share responsibilities for that ocean as well. It's health. It's well-being. It's security. The relationship we are forming around those issues on our maritime domain," the Australian Prime Minister stressed in the summit.

 Live Mint

June 4, 2020

French Naval Group hails FDI limit hike, says decision will attract global firms to invest in India


Welcoming Narendra Modi government's decision to hike Foreign Direct Investment limit to 74 per cent in the defence sector, French firm Naval Group has said this will support Indian military industry to increase its capabilities and also invite global manufacturers to invest and create manufacturing bases in India.

"We welcome the forward-thinking announcement to increase the foreign direct investment (FDI) limit in defence to 74 per cent under automatic route. This will support the Indian defence industry, as part of economic sustenance post-COVID-19, to increase its capabilities.

This also may attract foreign OEMs to gradually invest in the sector and create technical and manufacturing bases in India," Naval Group's Senior Executive Vice President Alain Guillou told ANI in email communication.
He was commenting upon the recent decision by the government to hike FDI in the defence sector along with giving preference to Made in India products in the military sector.
 Guillou said the Indian government should now share the fine prints of the new FDI policy with the industry soon along with its integration with the new Defence Procurement Policy-2020 to empower the Make in India policy.

On the government emphasis on acquiring Make in India products, he said that "Naval Group is the only foreign manufacturer to have established an Indian company solely for the purpose of 'Make in India' by developing the Indian defence eco-system and building design services with talented Indian engineers."

"The country needs to expand its defence manufacturing sector to boost exports and ensure sustainability through attaining the economies of scales and selling at competitive prices... Indian government's emphasis has been steadily in above-mentioned areas and thus in the right direction towards self-sustenance and self-sufficiency on the face of the ongoing crisis," he said.

Asked how would COVID-9 affect the Indian defence sector, he said, "This major crisis is impacting the defence sector in many ways, but the full extent and duration will only be known in the coming months.

However, India also has to uphold its national security and dominance in the Indian Ocean Region, which will necessitate staggered but well-planned defence procurement. We believe that submarine remains one of such important and strategic procurement in these times."

Asked how should the Indian Navy move ahead with its submarine building plans in times of COVID-19 when fund crunch is likely to be there, Guilllou said Naval Group has been shortlisted for the Indian Project-75 India programme and would be consulting with two Indian strategic partners Larsen and Toubro and Mazagon Dockyards Limited.

The Naval Group official said that owing to COVID-19 situation, "The nations will necessarily have to cope-up with the loss of industrial activities and possible budget deficits. Cost-effective solutions may have to be found to decrease the capacity gap of the submarine fleet as soon as possible."

"Taking into account the required investment and foreseeable delays of P75(I) (associated with the procurement process, contracting phases and building times), while waiting for the first of class of the future submarine to be delivered as soon as possible, it might be interesting to seek short term measures to bridge the gap which could also sustain the industrial means already available," he said.

On the possible solutions that Indian can look at, he said the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) with its Air Independent Propulsion system which is to be fitted in the existing Scorpene Class submarines during refit along with the Indian industry can help the Indian Navy to find solutions for its requirements.

The Indian Navy is in the initial stages of issuing a tender for acquiring six submarines expected to be worth around Rs 50,000 crore with advanced features under Project 75 India.

The submarines are planned to be acquired under the ambitious Strategic Partnership project which will require a big investment to be made by an Indian firm in developing capabilities for production and integrating the large weapon platforms.

ANI

82,000 OFB staff to go on indefinite strike against corporatisation plan


A day after the ministry of defence placed an order worth over Rs 1,000 crore for infantry vehicles, 82,000 employees of ordnance factories have decided to go on indefinite strike.

Over 82,000 employees working in 41 ordnance factories have decided to go on indefinite strike against the government’s decision to implement corporatisation of the Ordnance Factory Board (OFB). It is the first setback to Prime Minister Narendra Modi's announcements under the "Atmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan" aimed to boost the economy in the post-COVID-19 era.

The decision for a strike came a day after the ministry of defence placed an order for 156 upgraded BMP infantry combat vehicles valued, at Rs. 1,094 crore, with the OFB. These infantry combat vehicles will be manufactured by Ordnance Factory, Medak, in Telangana with a contract completion target by 2023.
 "With induction of these 156 BMP infantry combat vehicles, the existing deficiency in the mechanised infantry battalions will be mitigated and the combat capability of the Army will be further enhanced," a defence ministry official said, while placing the order.

On May 16, while announcing the fourth tranche of the Rs. 20 lakh crore financial relief package, Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman announced the government's decision of corporatise the Ordnance Factory Board (OFB), arguing that the move is aimed at improving autonomy, accountability and efficiency in ordnance supplies. She added that in the near future, the OFB factories could be listed in the markets to bring in transparency in their operations.

On Wednesday, federations of defence civilian employees took a collective decision to go ahead with an indefinite strike against the government decision, which they called as "arbitrary, illegal and unjustified".

In a joint statement issued by three recognised federations—All India Defence Employees Federation, Indian National Defence Worker's Federation and Bhartiya Pratiraksha Mazdoor Sangh—the protesting workers claimed that the government move is against the agreement between the federations and the ministry of defence in the past.

"Four successive defence ministers of the country including George Fernandes, Pranab Mukherjee, A.K. Antony and Manohar Parrikar have given written commitments that the Ordnance factories would not be corporatised. The present decision of the government is against all these assurances and agreements," C. Srikumar, general secretary, All India Defence Employees Federation (AIDEF), said.

He said that the date of commencement of indefinite strike will be taken soon after strike ballot throughout the country.

Defence unions also claimed that they had deferred their strike (last August) only after an assurance given by the defence ministry and a high-level official committee was constituted to study the possibility of OFB achieving Rs. 30,000 crore production target in the present setup.

"Since there was a dispute between the employees’ federations and government with regard to the terms of reference represented to the defence minister in October 2019, government has arbitrarily made the announcements on corporatisation of OFB by taking advantage of COVID-19 lockdown," joint statement by the defence employees’ federations alleged.

The federations also stated that the government decision has hurt the sentiments of 82,000 employees of ordnance factories who are working relentlessly in manufacturing of all types of PPEs required for medical fraternity for fighting against the COVID-19 pandemic.

"All these ordnance factories’ employees took risk of their life and were working throughout the COVID lockdown. Instead of recognising their service, a major decision [was taken] to convert this war industry as a PSU and thereafter to privatise the same," the statement further said.

 The Week

IAF indigenising Russian night vision goggles for use in helicopters


The Indian Air Force (IAF) is indigenising Russian night vision goggles that are used by pilots flying the Mi-17 medium lift helicopter. IAF’s No. 3 Base Repair Depot here, that is responsible for the maintenance and overhaul of Russian-origin helicopters, has been tasked to execute the project.

“The design and development of the NL-93 night vision goggle (NVG) variant will be done in collaboration with the Indian industry, for which the public and the private sector is being approached,” an officer said. “NVG is categorised as a critical equipment and it has to be compatible with the Mi-17’s cockpit and operating parameters,” he added.

NVG is a helmet-mounted electro-optical device based on image intensifier technology that allows images to be produced in levels of light approaching total darkness. NVGs can intensify ambient light to over a thousand times and can function effectively in minimal moonlight conditions or even starlight.
 By increasing the air crew’s situational awareness due to improved visibility in the dark, NVGs enhance manoeuvrability and navigation, thereby facilitating better air-to-ground tactics and thereby enhancing mission effectiveness.

The essential features of NVG vision include monochromatic image in a field of view reduced to a cone of 40 deg with diminished visualacuity as compared to daytime vision. Consequently, pilots have to continually turn their heads to see to the sides.

The use of NVGs, however, also has medical and physiological implications. It adds to the weight of the helmet, causing increased stress on the neck and spine. Given the device’s limited field of view of about 40 degrees, the pilots have to constantly rotate their heads for wider arc of vision. Air crew are also required to undergo brief training capsules on the use of NVGs.

The IAF began using NVGs in helicopters in 2002 for operation flying such as special heli-borne operations, troop deployment, search and rescue and communication. It carried out its first NVG-assisted rescue in 2007, when it evacuated two injured soldiers, one of them with a serious head injury, in the north-east.

According to IAF sources, once the indigenous NVG for the Mi-17 is certified for use, it would be adapted for other helicopters in the IAF’s inventory such as the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited-developed Dhruv and Rudra as well as the upcoming Light Combat Helicopter.

 The Tribune

Amid Ladakh border tension, NHAI starts work on emergency airstrip in south Kashmir


Amid the India-Chinese stand-off along the Line of Actual Control in Ladakh, the National Highway Authority of India (NHAI) is constructing an emergency landing strip in south Kashmir on the Srinagar-Jammu national highway.

The officials, however, said the landing strip has nothing to do with the confrontation with China and termed it as an old project which was approved sometime ago.

The work has started adjacent to the newly constructed national highway between Srinagar and Jammu near south Kashmir’s Bijbehara area.

An NHAI officer said the project involves construction of a 3.5-kilometre emergency landing strip. “It was already in the plan when the construction of the new national highway began in Kashmir. The work couldn’t be taken up earlier due to the Covid-19 lockdown.”

Officials said that earth laying work is already going at full pace and special passes have been issued to people engaged with the construction.

Once completed, the airstrip could be used in emergency situations, the officials said adding that the area where the strip is coming up is centrally placed.

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