The first export contract
on delivering Russian-Indian BrahMos cruise missiles to a country in
the Asian-Pacific Region will be signed by the end of 2016, BrahMos
Aerospace spokesman Praveen Pathak said Wednesday.
“It’s too early to be specific since negotiations are continuing, but we plan that by the end this year there will be one solid contract,” Pathak told RIA Novosti in an interview. He added that the Asian-Pacific nation would be a friendly nation that neither Russia nor India has any conflicts with. First Trials of BrahMos Cruise Missiles on Su-30 Jets to Begin in 1-2 Months The first trials of the Russian-Indian BrahMos cruise missiles on Russian Su-30 Flanker C multirole fighter jets will begin in one or two months and end in November-December 2016, Praveen Pathak said. "Ground tests of the aircraft missile have ended, now we're planning to place it on an Su-30 and in the next month or two there will be trial launches," Pathak told RIA Novosti. He said that a life-sized rocket mock-up would be initially used in the tests, and then proceed with an actual BrahMos cruise missile. “We hope that all of the tests will be complete in November-December,” Pathak added. sputniknews |
April 21, 2016
First Export Contract for BrahMos Cruise Missiles to Be Signed in 2016
Rafale sale not complete: Parrikar after BJP’s ‘deal finalised’ tweet
A day after the BJP announced on social media that the Rafale fighter
deal has been finalised, defence minister Manohar Parrikar clarified on
Thursday that the multi-billion dollar contract was in an advanced
stage and the government hoped to clinch it soon.
“I can’t say that negotiations are totally cleared until we sign the deal, or at least until the deal is forwarded to the cabinet for approval,” the minister told journalists on the sidelines of a top naval conference.
The BJP announced on Facebook and Twitter on Wednesday that the Rafale deal had been “re-negotiated and finalised at $8.8 billion (around Rs 59,000 crore)”. The BJP posts – in the form of a graphic titled ‘Strengthening defence capabilities while saving public money’ – claimed that the Narendra Modi government had saved the country $3.2 billion (Rs 21,000 crore) by re-negotiating the deal for 36 French-made warplanes.
Parrikar said in a lighter vein that the BJP’s posts only serve to illustrate how journalists write stories very convincingly, hinting that the party may have based the graphic on media reports.
Ongoing negotiations with France have helped lower the price of Rafale fighter planes, and a deal could be hammered out by May or June. Government sources said the effort was to bring the price down to around 8 billion euros (Rs 58,400 crore) from the 12 billion euros initially sought by France.
The two countries signed an MoU for the proposed deal on January 25, during French president Francois Hollande’s visit. However, both the sides said that sorting out details such as pricing and post-sales servicing would take more time.
Commercial negotiations for the deal began on January 21.
The two sides will sign an inter-governmental agreement after cost issues are resolved. The pact will require legal vetting and clearance from the cabinet committee on security.
hindustantimes
“I can’t say that negotiations are totally cleared until we sign the deal, or at least until the deal is forwarded to the cabinet for approval,” the minister told journalists on the sidelines of a top naval conference.
The BJP announced on Facebook and Twitter on Wednesday that the Rafale deal had been “re-negotiated and finalised at $8.8 billion (around Rs 59,000 crore)”. The BJP posts – in the form of a graphic titled ‘Strengthening defence capabilities while saving public money’ – claimed that the Narendra Modi government had saved the country $3.2 billion (Rs 21,000 crore) by re-negotiating the deal for 36 French-made warplanes.
Parrikar said in a lighter vein that the BJP’s posts only serve to illustrate how journalists write stories very convincingly, hinting that the party may have based the graphic on media reports.
Ongoing negotiations with France have helped lower the price of Rafale fighter planes, and a deal could be hammered out by May or June. Government sources said the effort was to bring the price down to around 8 billion euros (Rs 58,400 crore) from the 12 billion euros initially sought by France.
The two countries signed an MoU for the proposed deal on January 25, during French president Francois Hollande’s visit. However, both the sides said that sorting out details such as pricing and post-sales servicing would take more time.
Commercial negotiations for the deal began on January 21.
The two sides will sign an inter-governmental agreement after cost issues are resolved. The pact will require legal vetting and clearance from the cabinet committee on security.
hindustantimes
April 19, 2016
Russia makes formal S-400 offer to IndiaRussia makes formal S-400 offer to India
Russia has formally offered its S-400 Triumph surface-to-air missile systems to India, a senior Russian defense official said on April 18.
“The Federal Service has prepared a draft intergovernmental agreement on the supply of the S-400 systems to India and passed it on to our partners, so we are awaiting a response,” Vladimir Drozhzhov, deputy head of Russia’s Federal Service for Military-Technical Cooperation (FSMTC) told TASS on the sidelines of the Defexpo India 2016 exhibition in Delhi.
The deal value is estimated to be $6 billion.
The Triumph S-400 is a new-generation medium and long-range anti-aircraft missile system.
At a distance of 250 miles the system can strike planes, while at a distance of 40 miles it can hit tactical ballistic targets flying at a speed of three miles per second, as well as cruise missiles and ballistic missiles.
Russia and India were expected to sign an agreement on the sale of the systems in December 2015 when Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Moscow for an annual summit. Sources close to the situation tell RBTH that differences on the price held back the signing of an agreement. A deal is likely to be signed within the next few weeks, the sources add. Russia could also commence delivering the S-400 missile defense system to China by the end of the year.
The long-range S-400 surface-to-air missile systems are used to defend the Khmeimim Russian military base in Syria.
rbth
India’s Tejas jet fighter catches Sri Lanka, Egypt attention
India's Light Combat Aircraft Tejas, which was
several years in the making, has now caught the attention of foreign
buyers with Sri Lanka and Egypt evincing interest.
Sri Lanka had recently rejected Pakistan’s JF-17 aircraft built with Chinese help, while Egypt had last year signed a contract for 24 French-made Rafale fighter jets.
The two countries are interested in the current version of the Tejas and not the upgraded one which will be rolled out later.
However, state-run Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), the manufacturer of Tejas, is focusing on delivering the aircraft to the IAF first.
“While there is an interest which has been shown (by other countries), let us get the product first to our own customer. The confidence that will come to others when our own Air Force flies it will be immense. So at first, we should at least meet the initial requirement of the IAF,” HAL chairman T Suvarna Raju told PTI.
Refusing to share information on which are the countries that have evinced interest in Tejas, he expressed confidence in his marketing team and said they are equipped to take forward the talks. However, Defence sources said that the two countries which have evinced interest in Tejas were Sri Lanka and Egypt.
He said the “current version is more than enough” for smaller nations.
Two things that go in favour of the Tejas are its lower cost and flying ability.
“We have proved its flying ability and the aircraft, for that class, is a terrific one. We did take some time but we need to remember that DRDO and us did everything from the scratch,” Raju said.
Raju said that the upgraded version of Tejas, with Active Electrically Scanned Array (AESA) Radar, Unified Electronic Warfare (EW) Suite, mid-air refuelling capacity and beyond the vision range missiles, will cost between Rs 275 crore and Rs 300 crore.
Sources said enquiries by foreign countries came during the Bahrain air show in January, the first time that Tejas flew outside the country.
The decision to send Tejas abroad was of Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar, who has put his weight behind the aircraft.
LCA Tejas performed 8-G (gravity) pull, vertical loop, slow fly-past and barrel roll at the air show, which the Indian officials described as “historic”.
Interestingly, soon after the announcement of Tejas’ participation in Bahrain, Pakistan had withdrawn its JF-17 aircraft from the show despite having paid the initial installment which ran into a few millions US dollars.
Tejas is perhaps the world’s smallest lightweight, multi-role single engine tactical fighter aircraft.
JF-17 has been developed jointly by the Pakistan Aeronautical Complex and the Chengdu Aircraft Corporation of China. However, experts feel that the aircraft has been assembled in Pakistan from readymade Chinese kits.
HAL is likely to hand over the fourth Tejas aircraft to the Air Force by June end. The four aircraft will make up the first squadron of IAF which will be used for training and familarisation.
Rather than wait for LAC Mk II, IAF had decided to go for an upgraded version of the existing Tejas with over 40 modifications.
IAF plans to acquire 120 Tejas aircraft, with 100 of these having major modifications.
As per the production plan, six aircraft will be made this year and HAL will subsequently scale it up to eight and 16 aircraft per year.
The LCA programme was initiated in 1983 to replace the ageing MiG-21s planes in IAF’s combat fleet but has missed several deadlines due to various reasons.
financialexpress
April 13, 2016
India, US sign defence pact for use of military bases to refuel, rest
Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar announced on Tuesday that the
logistics support agreement was on the cards in the coming weeks but
underlined that it does not mean permission for deployment of US troops
on Indian soil.
Overturning years of resistance, the Narendra Modi
government has agreed to sign logistics support agreement that would
enable automatic clearances for US warships and military aircrafts to
get fuel, food or other assistance while transiting through India.
With his US counterpart Ashton Carter standing by his side, Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar
announced on Tuesday that the logistics support agreement was on the
cards in the coming weeks but underlined that it does not mean
permission for deployment of US troops on Indian soil.
The
logistics support agreement has been under negotiations for more than 10
years but the previous UPA regime had resisted intense pressure from
Washington to initiate what had been termed as an 'enabling pact for
deeper defence ties'.
New
Delhi had felt that the content of the pact were intrusive and an
impinged Parrikar cautioned that no comment on the agreement should be
made until the final draft is ready. Carter, who described Indo-US
defence ties as defining partnership of the 21st century, explained that
the logistic support pact will simplify interactions between the armed
forces of the two countries.India is looking to acquire cutting-edge technology from the US and the
two sides discussed ongoing initiatives like cooperation in developing a
new flat deck aircraft carrier and jet engine technology.
New
Delhi and Washington agreed to initiate two new pathfinder projects
under the Defence Trade and Technology Initiative. These new projects
are: Digital Helmet Mounted Displays and the Joint Biological Detection
System.
They also finalised four government-to-government science
projects on Atmospheric Sciences for High Energy Lasers, Cognitive Tools
for Target Detection, Small Intelligent Unmanned Aerial Systems, and
Blast and Blunt Traumatic Brain Injury.
New Delhi also conveyed
its concern over the sale of F-16 fighter jets by the US to Pakistan.
Carter maintained that the sale to Pakistan was linked to fight
terrorism and Washington's relationship with India was unique.
They
also had detailed discussion on the situation in South China Sea. But
India stopped short of agreeing to joint patrols with the US. They
announced a new maritime security dialogue and commencement of
navy-to-navy discussions on submarine safety and anti-submarine warfare.
indiatoday
India’s Geo Political Compulsions Will Play A Major Role In IAF’s Jet Deal
As India identifies the next supplier to IAF, the aircraft deal has become the mother of all deals. The eventual supplier will not only enhance its influence but also reap rich financial rewards. In terms of number of aircraft, this is perhaps the single largest contract ever. India is spoilt for choices. Who is who of the major combat jet manufacturers are lining up to sell jets to India. Americans, a UK-German European consortium, French, Swedes, and Russians are all working hard to woo the Indian government.
However for India it will be a thin line between creating indigenous capability and new dependency on a foreign supplier. Combat aircraft selection starts with foreign policy. Only friendly and reliable countries are selected as eventual suppliers, and even after negotiations and aircraft delivery the job is not done. The combat jet deal ends with foreign policy. The country’s foreign office has the explicit task of remaining in the good graces of the supplier. The supplying country controls the parts supply and with exercising a quasi-veto over the country’s war making ability, greatly enhancing the selling country’s prestige and influence. For a buying country it’s a dependence on another country. No wonder fighter jet deals are often more about geo politics than pure commerce. Decisions by Indian policy makers thus will not only impact the make-up of IAF but could also reshape foreign policy. Part of that change is visible. Continued decline of Russia at the global stage has caught up on a reluctant India. In a first, Russia lost out in the last aircraft MMRCA (Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft) tender, despite the lowest bid.
Never before have the Russians not been awarded the biggest IAF contracts. Although India purchased British and French jets in the past these were small numbers. The core of the IAF are Russian jets. First time in four decades the Indian Air Force will see a non-Russian jet alongside forming the backbone of the fighter strength. India’s ties with Russia will remain strategic as substantial defense hardware will continue to be Russian for a very long. However, Russia’s monopoly in the Indian skies has undoubtedly ended. Who is replacing Russia? In the fray are the Americans, the UK and German led consortium, the French and the Swedes.
Not only are the hardware offered by each very different, so are the political and strategic ramifications. From India’s vantage point, the Swedish offer is predominantly commercial being the weakest country in terms of political and strategic value. Sweden is not a permanent member of the UN Security Council neither an economic heavyweight. Gripen jets are powered by GE engines thus not free of the sanction-prone impulses of Americans.
A partnership with Sweden will bring India little at the UNSC or other international fora. To make the Swedish offer compelling, there needs to be substantial compensation elsewhere. Like a generous offer with complete technology transfer and unprecedented buildup of Indian aviation industry. Given SAAB has declared a desire to become an Indian company, one assumes Swedes are fully aware of their options. The French Rafael offer and the UK-German led consortium with Eurofighter are better positioned as UNSC members and economic heavy weights. These countries place commercial interest’s almost equally with international politics which adds to the reliability of the historically dependable relationship. As a consequence the offers are less generous. Failing one of the key Indian criteria of development of an Indian industry. The French have already dragged their feet on producing in India or transferring significant technology.
The UK and Germany offer nothing very different. If any of these were the eventual winners, the Indian aviation industry will remain underdeveloped. The Americans are offering the greatest amount of technology transfer and manufacturing in India with either the F18 or the F16. India will achieve a longstanding goal of enhancing its ability to design combat jets and develop an indigenous manufacturing capability. The Americans seem to have the best offer and the winning hand. However this is not all. There cannot be the slightest doubt that American defense sales are just commercial. These sales are an in veritable part of American geopolitical strategy, and deals have clear political objectives. The subsequent supply of spare parts is brazenly a bona fide instrument of continued control. India developed Tejas aircraft already depends on GE engines. Selecting another American jet will dramatically reroute IAF’s lifeline from Washington effectively giving Americans a veto. Given the sanction-prone history of relations, Uncle Sam is seen as unreliable in India and is facing political opposition. This is unchartered territory which no Indian government has ever dared to navigate.
The cold math of real politics rather than platitudes should drive the future. One mitigating argument against unreliability of American policy is China. China is increasingly asserting itself as a rival to US power in Asia and beyond which is a common concern for both countries. The US needs a military counterweight, and India simply needs to upgrade to not get overwhelmed by China. After investing trillions in China over the decades, the US needs newer investment destinations. The IAF deal with jets manufactured in India not only meets but jumpstarts all the above objectives in one stroke. This is where the objectives of the two countries appear to align for the long term. It is this long term alignment of objectives that argues for reliability of American policy with India. However, while China’s emergence as an economic powerhouse is a foregone conclusion, the future of the US-China relationship is not. While Chinese dispute islands and borders, they are not exporting ideology and changing regimes.
Unlike the Soviet Union, the US is not containing China either. US continues to be one of the largest foreign investors and trading partner of China. McDonalds and KFCs dot the landscapes of Chinese cities. Early in his first term President Obama did announce an exclusive G2 club with China leaving out all other powers in the cold.
Both countries benefit from globalization and a capitalist economy. Chinese form the largest contingent of foreign students in American universities. Both countries cooperate on climate change, Iran, and North Korea. All this hardly qualifies as rivalry, at least not a black and white one. With mature leadership they can be less than rivals or keep oscillating between competition and cooperation.
America’s economic interests with China are significant and several times bigger than with India. Despite best intentions there can be no guarantee that geo political expediency will not force Americans to engage with China at the expense of India. In face of such facts, constructing India-US security cooperation on assumptions of US-China rivalry would be akin to building on shifting sand. Indian reservations on becoming a de facto American pawn in the revolving US-Chinese relationship have merit. How does India solve the dilemma of having US fighter jets without becoming a tool between America and China? Technology transfer for the jets to be manufactured in India is the answer.
Technology transfer and manufacturing in India limits ongoing dependence on US for spare parts. Anything less than building genuine India capability will be a one sided deal that increases American leverage over China but leaves India vulnerable to the much more dynamic US-Chinese relationship. Technology transfer would signal a commitment towards building India as a balancing power in Asia. It would generate confidence that India – US defense cooperation could be insulated from succumbing to short term US interests in China. Indian policy makers will do well to see the opportunity, while avoiding the traps and deliver a deal that will increase indigenous capability rather than increase countries’ dependency.
SWARAJYAMAG
However for India it will be a thin line between creating indigenous capability and new dependency on a foreign supplier. Combat aircraft selection starts with foreign policy. Only friendly and reliable countries are selected as eventual suppliers, and even after negotiations and aircraft delivery the job is not done. The combat jet deal ends with foreign policy. The country’s foreign office has the explicit task of remaining in the good graces of the supplier. The supplying country controls the parts supply and with exercising a quasi-veto over the country’s war making ability, greatly enhancing the selling country’s prestige and influence. For a buying country it’s a dependence on another country. No wonder fighter jet deals are often more about geo politics than pure commerce. Decisions by Indian policy makers thus will not only impact the make-up of IAF but could also reshape foreign policy. Part of that change is visible. Continued decline of Russia at the global stage has caught up on a reluctant India. In a first, Russia lost out in the last aircraft MMRCA (Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft) tender, despite the lowest bid.
Never before have the Russians not been awarded the biggest IAF contracts. Although India purchased British and French jets in the past these were small numbers. The core of the IAF are Russian jets. First time in four decades the Indian Air Force will see a non-Russian jet alongside forming the backbone of the fighter strength. India’s ties with Russia will remain strategic as substantial defense hardware will continue to be Russian for a very long. However, Russia’s monopoly in the Indian skies has undoubtedly ended. Who is replacing Russia? In the fray are the Americans, the UK and German led consortium, the French and the Swedes.
Not only are the hardware offered by each very different, so are the political and strategic ramifications. From India’s vantage point, the Swedish offer is predominantly commercial being the weakest country in terms of political and strategic value. Sweden is not a permanent member of the UN Security Council neither an economic heavyweight. Gripen jets are powered by GE engines thus not free of the sanction-prone impulses of Americans.
A partnership with Sweden will bring India little at the UNSC or other international fora. To make the Swedish offer compelling, there needs to be substantial compensation elsewhere. Like a generous offer with complete technology transfer and unprecedented buildup of Indian aviation industry. Given SAAB has declared a desire to become an Indian company, one assumes Swedes are fully aware of their options. The French Rafael offer and the UK-German led consortium with Eurofighter are better positioned as UNSC members and economic heavy weights. These countries place commercial interest’s almost equally with international politics which adds to the reliability of the historically dependable relationship. As a consequence the offers are less generous. Failing one of the key Indian criteria of development of an Indian industry. The French have already dragged their feet on producing in India or transferring significant technology.
The UK and Germany offer nothing very different. If any of these were the eventual winners, the Indian aviation industry will remain underdeveloped. The Americans are offering the greatest amount of technology transfer and manufacturing in India with either the F18 or the F16. India will achieve a longstanding goal of enhancing its ability to design combat jets and develop an indigenous manufacturing capability. The Americans seem to have the best offer and the winning hand. However this is not all. There cannot be the slightest doubt that American defense sales are just commercial. These sales are an in veritable part of American geopolitical strategy, and deals have clear political objectives. The subsequent supply of spare parts is brazenly a bona fide instrument of continued control. India developed Tejas aircraft already depends on GE engines. Selecting another American jet will dramatically reroute IAF’s lifeline from Washington effectively giving Americans a veto. Given the sanction-prone history of relations, Uncle Sam is seen as unreliable in India and is facing political opposition. This is unchartered territory which no Indian government has ever dared to navigate.
The cold math of real politics rather than platitudes should drive the future. One mitigating argument against unreliability of American policy is China. China is increasingly asserting itself as a rival to US power in Asia and beyond which is a common concern for both countries. The US needs a military counterweight, and India simply needs to upgrade to not get overwhelmed by China. After investing trillions in China over the decades, the US needs newer investment destinations. The IAF deal with jets manufactured in India not only meets but jumpstarts all the above objectives in one stroke. This is where the objectives of the two countries appear to align for the long term. It is this long term alignment of objectives that argues for reliability of American policy with India. However, while China’s emergence as an economic powerhouse is a foregone conclusion, the future of the US-China relationship is not. While Chinese dispute islands and borders, they are not exporting ideology and changing regimes.
Unlike the Soviet Union, the US is not containing China either. US continues to be one of the largest foreign investors and trading partner of China. McDonalds and KFCs dot the landscapes of Chinese cities. Early in his first term President Obama did announce an exclusive G2 club with China leaving out all other powers in the cold.
Both countries benefit from globalization and a capitalist economy. Chinese form the largest contingent of foreign students in American universities. Both countries cooperate on climate change, Iran, and North Korea. All this hardly qualifies as rivalry, at least not a black and white one. With mature leadership they can be less than rivals or keep oscillating between competition and cooperation.
America’s economic interests with China are significant and several times bigger than with India. Despite best intentions there can be no guarantee that geo political expediency will not force Americans to engage with China at the expense of India. In face of such facts, constructing India-US security cooperation on assumptions of US-China rivalry would be akin to building on shifting sand. Indian reservations on becoming a de facto American pawn in the revolving US-Chinese relationship have merit. How does India solve the dilemma of having US fighter jets without becoming a tool between America and China? Technology transfer for the jets to be manufactured in India is the answer.
Technology transfer and manufacturing in India limits ongoing dependence on US for spare parts. Anything less than building genuine India capability will be a one sided deal that increases American leverage over China but leaves India vulnerable to the much more dynamic US-Chinese relationship. Technology transfer would signal a commitment towards building India as a balancing power in Asia. It would generate confidence that India – US defense cooperation could be insulated from succumbing to short term US interests in China. Indian policy makers will do well to see the opportunity, while avoiding the traps and deliver a deal that will increase indigenous capability rather than increase countries’ dependency.
SWARAJYAMAG
April 11, 2016
India, US set to finalize defence pact as Manohar Parrikar, Ashton Carter hold talks
The government’s Make in India scheme and defence cooperation with the US could get a fillip during US defence secretary Ashton Carter’s three-day visit to India beginning Sunday, with the two countries close to finalizing a defence pact and India keen on establishing a production line for American fighter aircraft. Defence minister Manohar Parrikar will host his American counterpart on board aircraft carrier INS Vikramaditya off the coast of Goa on 10-11 April, before the two arrive in New Delhi for talks on 12 April. Carter hosted Parrikar aboard theUSS Dwight D. Eisenhower aircraft carrier during his US visit in December.
This is expected to be Carter’s last trip to India in his current capacity, given that the US will be going in for presidential elections in November, which will be followed by a change of guard in Washington with President Barack Obama stepping down after eight years in office. Carter is seen in India as the chief architect of the India-US Defence Trade and Technology Initiative (DTTI) which he nurtured during his previous stint at the US department of defence (DoD) as deputy secretary of defence between 2011 and 2013.
The main aim of the DTTI is to strengthen cooperation through collaboration between Indian and US firms in co-production where the US provides technology and guidance for building modern weapon systems. According to a statement from the DoD over the weekend, Carter’s visit to the Asia Pacific—specifically, India and the Philippines—is to advance the solidification of the US’s rebalancing towards the region. Carter will also be travelling to the Arabian Gulf as part of the war against the Islamic State terror group. The US’s rebalancing towards Asia, announced in 2011, means assigning higher priority and political, economic and security resources to the Asia-Pacific region because of its dynamism and the increased assertiveness of a rising China, watched warily by many countries in the region.
The rebalancing includes the strengthening of relationships with allies like Australia and partners like India and Indonesia, a more extensive and structured relationship with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), drawing these countries into the US’s economic sphere of influence with pacts such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership, as well as maintaining a stable relationship with China. “Much of what is being said and planned flows from our decision to increase defence procurement from US and the (India-US) joint strategic vision for the Asia Pacific,” said former foreign secretary Kanwal Sibal, referring to two statements—one issued in 2014 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the US and the second when US President Obama visited New Delhi in 2015. Both spoke of increased cooperation between India and the US in the Asia-Pacific region, noting a strategic convergence on both sides. Carter and Parrikar are expected to discuss establishing a fighter production line under the Make in India programme.
India is keener on F/A-18 Super Hornets manufactured by Boeing than the F-16s manufactured by Lockheed Martin, a government official said, requesting anonymity. This comes against the backdrop of the Indian Air Force scouring for replacements for its ageing fleet of more than 30 fighter squadrons and a Rs.60,000 crore acquisition of 36 French Rafale fighters, which is yet to be clinched. In recent months, senior air force officials have said that with the number of aircraft in its inventory, India would not be able to fight a two-front war—i.e., against China and Pakistan—if the need arises. “Both offers (Boeing and Lockheed Martin) are attractive for the Make in India strategy programme, but I don’t think we have a final decision yet,” said the government official cited above. The twin-engine F/A-18s may be the more attractive choice given that Boeing has offered “a new-generation production line” to be set up in India, the official said. According to Laxman Kumar Behera, analyst at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), “Boeing, Lockheed are fishing in troubled waters.
They are sensing some trouble in the Rafale deal. This will be good for India as the French are asking for a lot of money and they should know we have other options.” When asked about the status of negotiations, a spokesperson for Boeing said, “This is a discussion between both the governments and we do not have more information at this stage.” Lockheed Martin did not respond to queries emailed on Wednesday.
According to the government official cited earlier, “the two sides will try to identify more military technologies for co-development and production under the bilateral DTTI”. A ship-launched unmanned aerial vehicle for maritime intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance is among the products being considered under the initiative. “All the things that Carter is trying to do under the DTTI are medium- to long-term ventures which require technology transfers.
The US administration is one element that has to say yes to this, but the US Congress is equally involved. There is bipartisan support in the Congress for good relations with India, but not necessarily on the transfer of technology. We need to see how this works out,” said Sibal. From the US side, government officials anticipate that Carter could ask India to sign the three bilateral “foundational agreements”—the logistics support agreement (LSA), the communication interoperability and security memorandum agreement (CISMOA) and the basic exchange and cooperation agreement for geo-spatial cooperation (BECA).
While India is said to be shedding its inhibitions about the first—which includes Indian and American militaries providing logistics support, refuelling and berthing facilities for each other’s warships and aircraft—it still has reservations on the other two, said a second government official.
“There could be some movement ahead on the LSA, of course with some caveats,” Sibal said, adding that the caveat could be that India will offer logistics support on a case-by-case basis rather than agree to a blanket affirmative.
livemint
This is expected to be Carter’s last trip to India in his current capacity, given that the US will be going in for presidential elections in November, which will be followed by a change of guard in Washington with President Barack Obama stepping down after eight years in office. Carter is seen in India as the chief architect of the India-US Defence Trade and Technology Initiative (DTTI) which he nurtured during his previous stint at the US department of defence (DoD) as deputy secretary of defence between 2011 and 2013.
The main aim of the DTTI is to strengthen cooperation through collaboration between Indian and US firms in co-production where the US provides technology and guidance for building modern weapon systems. According to a statement from the DoD over the weekend, Carter’s visit to the Asia Pacific—specifically, India and the Philippines—is to advance the solidification of the US’s rebalancing towards the region. Carter will also be travelling to the Arabian Gulf as part of the war against the Islamic State terror group. The US’s rebalancing towards Asia, announced in 2011, means assigning higher priority and political, economic and security resources to the Asia-Pacific region because of its dynamism and the increased assertiveness of a rising China, watched warily by many countries in the region.
The rebalancing includes the strengthening of relationships with allies like Australia and partners like India and Indonesia, a more extensive and structured relationship with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), drawing these countries into the US’s economic sphere of influence with pacts such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership, as well as maintaining a stable relationship with China. “Much of what is being said and planned flows from our decision to increase defence procurement from US and the (India-US) joint strategic vision for the Asia Pacific,” said former foreign secretary Kanwal Sibal, referring to two statements—one issued in 2014 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the US and the second when US President Obama visited New Delhi in 2015. Both spoke of increased cooperation between India and the US in the Asia-Pacific region, noting a strategic convergence on both sides. Carter and Parrikar are expected to discuss establishing a fighter production line under the Make in India programme.
India is keener on F/A-18 Super Hornets manufactured by Boeing than the F-16s manufactured by Lockheed Martin, a government official said, requesting anonymity. This comes against the backdrop of the Indian Air Force scouring for replacements for its ageing fleet of more than 30 fighter squadrons and a Rs.60,000 crore acquisition of 36 French Rafale fighters, which is yet to be clinched. In recent months, senior air force officials have said that with the number of aircraft in its inventory, India would not be able to fight a two-front war—i.e., against China and Pakistan—if the need arises. “Both offers (Boeing and Lockheed Martin) are attractive for the Make in India strategy programme, but I don’t think we have a final decision yet,” said the government official cited above. The twin-engine F/A-18s may be the more attractive choice given that Boeing has offered “a new-generation production line” to be set up in India, the official said. According to Laxman Kumar Behera, analyst at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), “Boeing, Lockheed are fishing in troubled waters.
They are sensing some trouble in the Rafale deal. This will be good for India as the French are asking for a lot of money and they should know we have other options.” When asked about the status of negotiations, a spokesperson for Boeing said, “This is a discussion between both the governments and we do not have more information at this stage.” Lockheed Martin did not respond to queries emailed on Wednesday.
According to the government official cited earlier, “the two sides will try to identify more military technologies for co-development and production under the bilateral DTTI”. A ship-launched unmanned aerial vehicle for maritime intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance is among the products being considered under the initiative. “All the things that Carter is trying to do under the DTTI are medium- to long-term ventures which require technology transfers.
The US administration is one element that has to say yes to this, but the US Congress is equally involved. There is bipartisan support in the Congress for good relations with India, but not necessarily on the transfer of technology. We need to see how this works out,” said Sibal. From the US side, government officials anticipate that Carter could ask India to sign the three bilateral “foundational agreements”—the logistics support agreement (LSA), the communication interoperability and security memorandum agreement (CISMOA) and the basic exchange and cooperation agreement for geo-spatial cooperation (BECA).
While India is said to be shedding its inhibitions about the first—which includes Indian and American militaries providing logistics support, refuelling and berthing facilities for each other’s warships and aircraft—it still has reservations on the other two, said a second government official.
“There could be some movement ahead on the LSA, of course with some caveats,” Sibal said, adding that the caveat could be that India will offer logistics support on a case-by-case basis rather than agree to a blanket affirmative.
livemint
April 6, 2016
USA for a closer, stronger defense ties with India: Ashton Carter
The US wants to develop a “closer and stronger” military ties with India, Defense Secretary Ashton Carter has said asserting that his proposed visit to the latter is expected to set “new milestone” in the bilateral relationship between the two countries. “What we are looking for is a closer relationship and a stronger relationship as we can, because it is geo-politically grounded,” Carter said on Tuesday indicating that he will soon be heading towards India. “The specific things we are doing with them is twofold. One, is we have the rebalance so to speak, westward from the United States.
They have Act East, which is their strategic approach eastward,” he said at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a top American think-tank. These are like two hands grasping one another and that’s a good thing, he added. “Second, our defense technology and trade initiative, which is an effort to work with India and to do something they want to do. Which is, they want to improve their technical capabilities of their own defense industry and their own defense capabilities. But they don’t just want to be a buyer.
They want to be a co-developer and co-producers. So, they want that kind of relationship,” Carter said. “That’s what we are working with them on. And that matches very much up with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Make in India Initiative. And so, we are very much aligned in terms of what the government there is try to do strategically and economically and what we want to do with them defense wise,” he said. “When I go over there, we got a whole bunch of things that we will be announcing at that time. And I want to announce beforehand, but better, new milestones in this relationship,” Carter said without indicating when will the visit take place. In response to a question, Carter acknowledged that he does spend “a lot of time” on Indo-US defense ties.
economictimes
They have Act East, which is their strategic approach eastward,” he said at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a top American think-tank. These are like two hands grasping one another and that’s a good thing, he added. “Second, our defense technology and trade initiative, which is an effort to work with India and to do something they want to do. Which is, they want to improve their technical capabilities of their own defense industry and their own defense capabilities. But they don’t just want to be a buyer.
They want to be a co-developer and co-producers. So, they want that kind of relationship,” Carter said. “That’s what we are working with them on. And that matches very much up with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Make in India Initiative. And so, we are very much aligned in terms of what the government there is try to do strategically and economically and what we want to do with them defense wise,” he said. “When I go over there, we got a whole bunch of things that we will be announcing at that time. And I want to announce beforehand, but better, new milestones in this relationship,” Carter said without indicating when will the visit take place. In response to a question, Carter acknowledged that he does spend “a lot of time” on Indo-US defense ties.
economictimes
The US wants to develop
a “closer and stronger” military ties with India, Defense Secretary
Ashton Carter has said asserting that his proposed visit to the latter
is expected to set “new milestone” in the bilateral relationship between
the two countries. “What we are looking for is a closer relationship
and a stronger relationship as we can, because it is geo-politically
grounded,” Carter said on Tuesday indicating that he will soon be
heading towards India.
“The specific things we are doing with them is twofold. One, is we have
the rebalance so to speak, westward from the United States. They have
Act East, which is their strategic approach eastward,” he said at the
Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a top American
think-tank.
These are like two hands grasping one another and that’s a good thing,
he added. “Second, our defense technology and trade initiative, which is
an effort to work with India and to do something they want to do. Which
is, they want to improve their technical capabilities of their own
defense industry and their own defense capabilities. But they don’t just
want to be a buyer. They want to be a co-developer and co-producers.
So, they want that kind of relationship,” Carter said.
“That’s what we are working with them on. And that matches very much up
with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Make in India Initiative. And so,
we are very much aligned in terms of what the government there is try to
do strategically and economically and what we want to do with them
defense wise,” he said. “When I go over there, we got a whole bunch of
things that we will be announcing at that time. And I want to announce
beforehand, but better, new milestones in this relationship,” Carter
said without indicating when will the visit take place. In response to a
question, Carter acknowledged that he does spend “a lot of time” on
Indo-US defense ties.
..http://idrw.org . Read more at India's No 1 Defence News Website and not at Copycat Websites , We lead others follow us. http://idrw.org/usa-for-a-closer-stronger-defense-ties-with-india-ashton-carter/ .
..http://idrw.org . Read more at India's No 1 Defence News Website and not at Copycat Websites , We lead others follow us. http://idrw.org/usa-for-a-closer-stronger-defense-ties-with-india-ashton-carter/ .
Make in India’ boost: Boeing & Lockheed Martin offer to locally manufacture F16 and F/A 18 jets
In the first government facilitated talks on producing an American fighter jet in India, rivals Boeing and Lockheed Martin (LM) jointly met top defence ministry officials in the capital on Tuesday, offering to locally manufacture the F16 ‘Super Viper’ and a customised F/A 18 ‘Super Hornet’ for Indian Air Force requirements.
The formal meetings, held in the presence of Pentagon’s Director for International Cooperation Keith Webster at South Block, is the first step towards a possible foreign military sales (FMS) proposal for producing American jets under the Make in India initiative. Several officials associated with the project told ET that the government to government discussions – in the presence of the two defence manufacturers offering the aircraft – would continue over the next few days with US Defense Secretary Ashton Carter scheduled to meet Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar on April 12.
While rivals Boeing and LM have publicly announced their interest in manufacturing fighter jets in India, the government level talks are a serious step ahead on the proposals. Officials told ET that discussions hinged around the modalities of a possible Make in India project but a formal offer letter – with pricing and availability of aircraft – could be some distance away.
The interest of foreign players in producing fighters in India comes after Parrikar has publicly stated that the ministry is interested in setting up production lines for ‘one or two’ fighters at the earliest. With the French Rafale fighter deal going slow on pricing issues, global players sense an opportunity to set up a production base in India. As reported by ET, New Delhi has been considering a proposal to manufacture the F 16 fighter jets under the `Make in India’ initiative after LM offered to shift a production line here to meet both Indian requirements and for exports. LM had even raised the possibility of local manufacture during the meeting of one of its top executives with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modilast year. .
economictimes
The formal meetings, held in the presence of Pentagon’s Director for International Cooperation Keith Webster at South Block, is the first step towards a possible foreign military sales (FMS) proposal for producing American jets under the Make in India initiative. Several officials associated with the project told ET that the government to government discussions – in the presence of the two defence manufacturers offering the aircraft – would continue over the next few days with US Defense Secretary Ashton Carter scheduled to meet Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar on April 12.
While rivals Boeing and LM have publicly announced their interest in manufacturing fighter jets in India, the government level talks are a serious step ahead on the proposals. Officials told ET that discussions hinged around the modalities of a possible Make in India project but a formal offer letter – with pricing and availability of aircraft – could be some distance away.
The interest of foreign players in producing fighters in India comes after Parrikar has publicly stated that the ministry is interested in setting up production lines for ‘one or two’ fighters at the earliest. With the French Rafale fighter deal going slow on pricing issues, global players sense an opportunity to set up a production base in India. As reported by ET, New Delhi has been considering a proposal to manufacture the F 16 fighter jets under the `Make in India’ initiative after LM offered to shift a production line here to meet both Indian requirements and for exports. LM had even raised the possibility of local manufacture during the meeting of one of its top executives with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modilast year. .
economictimes
In the first government
facilitated talks on producing an American fighter jet in India, rivals
Boeing and Lockheed Martin (LM) jointly met top defence ministry
officials in the capital on Tuesday, offering to locally manufacture the
F16 ‘Super Viper’ and a customised F/A 18 ‘Super Hornet’ for Indian Air
Force requirements.
The formal meetings, held in the presence of Pentagon’s Director for
International Cooperation Keith Webster at South Block, is the first
step towards a possible foreign military sales (FMS) proposal for
producing American jets under the Make in India initiative.
Several officials associated with the project told ET that the
government to government discussions – in the presence of the two
defence manufacturers offering the aircraft – would continue over the
next few days with US Defense Secretary Ashton Carter scheduled to meet
Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar on April 12. While rivals Boeing and
LM have publicly announced their interest in manufacturing fighter jets
in India, the government level talks are a serious step ahead on the
proposals.
Officials told ET that discussions hinged around the modalities of a
possible Make in India project but a formal offer letter – with pricing
and availability of aircraft – could be some distance away. The interest
of foreign players in producing fighters in India comes after Parrikar
has publicly stated that the ministry is interested in setting up
production lines for ‘one or two’ fighters at the earliest. With the
French Rafale fighter deal going slow on pricing issues, global players
sense an opportunity to set up a production base in India.
As reported by ET, New Delhi has been considering a proposal to
manufacture the F 16 fighter jets under the `Make in India’ initiative
after LM offered to shift a production line here to meet both Indian
requirements and for exports. LM had even raised the possibility of
local manufacture during the meeting of one of its top executives with
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modilast year.
..http://idrw.org . Read more at India's No 1 Defence News Website and not at Copycat Websites , We lead others follow us. http://idrw.org/make-in-india-boost-boeing-lockheed-martin-offer-to-locally-manufacture-f16-and-fa-18-jets/#more-91546 .
..http://idrw.org . Read more at India's No 1 Defence News Website and not at Copycat Websites , We lead others follow us. http://idrw.org/make-in-india-boost-boeing-lockheed-martin-offer-to-locally-manufacture-f16-and-fa-18-jets/#more-91546 .
Army To Issue Tender To Procure 1.3 Lakh Bulletproof Jackets
Army will soon issue a new tender for procuring over 1.3 lakh bulletproof vests, a requirement much needed by soldiers since 2009.
Defence sources said the tender would be issued for capital procurement of over 1.36 lakh bulletproof jackets.
The government had in October last withdrawn a 2009 tender for procurement of over 1.86 lakh bulletproof jackets for the Army after the item fielded by the vendor failed the trials.
The government has already allotted a contract to an Indian private firm for 50,000 bulletproof jackets under the emergency clause after the issue was taken up by Defence Minister Manohar Parrikkar.
ndtv
April 4, 2016
BDL test fires missile advanced wireless anti-tank missile
Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL) has indigenously developed and test fired
an advanced Wireless Anti-Tank Missile with RF Guidance at Babina
ranges. RF System with EW protection was used to send the guidance
command to the missile. The system has the capability of being remotely
launched and piloted from a safe distance equalling the advantages of
expensive third generation ATGMs. This is the 2nd Missile developed by
BDL indigenously which was test fired recently.
BDL, had earlier, in Jan 2016, successfully test fired its first indigenously developed ATGM named, Amogha -1 which has a range of 2.8km.
With the successful completion of the developmental trials of these two new systems, BDL has entered into the era of development of new generation short range missile systems both for moving and stationary land targets, BDL informed.
TOI
BDL, had earlier, in Jan 2016, successfully test fired its first indigenously developed ATGM named, Amogha -1 which has a range of 2.8km.
With the successful completion of the developmental trials of these two new systems, BDL has entered into the era of development of new generation short range missile systems both for moving and stationary land targets, BDL informed.
TOI
Israel Aerospace signs major Indian deals
At the conclusion of last week's defense exhibition ‘Defexpo' 2016 in Goa, India this week, Israel Aerospace Industries Ltd. (IAI) (TASE: ARSP.B1) announced that it has finalized new sales worth hundreds of millions of dollars in Unmanned Aerial Systems (UAS), air defense and radar systems, among others.
Top IAI executives participating in the event met many of the senior leadership of India's defense and security organizations. Joseph Weiss, President and CEO of IAI opened the Israeli pavilion at Defexpo 2016 on behalf of Israel's defense companies.
Weiss said, "The sales signed in the past months strengthen India's position as a major partner of IAI. India has unique operational requirements, and IAI is dedicating its best talents, technologies and capabilities to meet those challenges. We will continue our long-term, strategic partnership with India, meet our customers' expectations and implement the ‘Make In India' policy led by India's Prime Minister."
At the event IAI displayed advanced systems of interest to Indian customers, many of them operationally proven in India. Among the new systems introduced were radar systems providing early warning against mortar attacks and improvised explosive charges (IEDs).
IAI has been operating and selling advanced defense products to the Indian Ministry of Defense and other government organizations for the past 25 years, through a strategic partnership that spans many areas. Over the years, IAI has established subcontracting, cooperation agreements and joint ventures with numerous Indian companies and expanded its operation and cooperation with military branches, navy and air force, coast guard, border security and other agencies.
This cooperation also encompasses joint research and development, for example in the Barak-8 air defense system, in its naval and land-based configurations, radar systems, unmanned systems and more.
globes
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