Indian Army capable of giving befitting reply, China should get rid of any illusions: Former COAS

Indian Army's 19th Chief of Army Staff Gen (Retd) Ved Prakash Malik, in an exclusive conversation with India TV over recent incursions from the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA), has said that the Indian Army is capable of giving a bifitting reply to the Chinese counterparts if it comes to that, while also reiterating that it is unlikely that this situation will escalate towards all out war.

Speaking on India TV's #CommanderConference platform, Gen VP Malik said that India's Army is modernised and China should not hold any illusions of it being in the same state of battle readiness as in 1962.

"India is in a position to give befitting reply to China. The PLA should not hold any illusions about Indian Army's battle readiness. We are not the army from 1962. I am fully confident of our defence capabilities," the general said.
 He further added, "I do not think there will be an all out war. We must be prepared for skirmishes in certain areas but the chances of war are highly unlikely."

Speaking on China's intentions, Gen Malik said, "China is doing these things because of 2 reasons. One is their internal situation and second is the geo-political complications China is having to endure with India and the rest of the world questioning China's handeling of coronavirus."

"China has a history of making agreements and then going back on them. It is not likely to stop anytime soon. China does not want India to develop infrastructure on her borders. Galwan Valley situation is a step taken to stop India from making roads and bridges on the LAC. China does not want to resolve border disputs and therefore such incursions are not likely to end anytime soon," he said.

The General also said that India's decision to nullify Article 35A has also been bugging China.

General VP Malik was the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) from 30 September 1997 to 30 September 2000.

India TV

Assam: IAF inducts its American Chinook heavy-lift choppers for operations near China border

In a bid to bolster its capability to deploy troops and machines rapidly at remote places including the borders with China, the Indian Air Force has inducted the Chinook heavy-lift helicopters at the Mohanbari airbase in Assam.

On Thursday, the Chinooks were for the first time deployed for operations in the Vijaynagar sector of Arunachal Pradesh where they delivered 8.3 tonnes of essential commodities for the remotest part of the state surrounded by Myanmar from three sides, sources said.

Arunachal Pradesh Chief Minister Pema Khandu tweeted a video of the chopper taking off with supplies meant for the citizens in Vijaynagar.The Chinooks were recently inducted at the Mohanbari airbase in Assam and would be soon deployed for operations in Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh and other nearby areas.

The Chinooks are considered to be one of the best choppers for inter-valley troop transfer operations in situations like the one which recently happened in North Sikkim where Chinese came to Indian positions in large numbers.

The Air Force feels that the Chinook, with its operating ceiling of 20,000 feet, will redefine heli-lift operations in the country that includes operations like inter-valley transport of troops, airlifting artillery guns and heavy underslung loads for the Border Roads Organisation.

It will also use the choppers for humanitarian assistance and disaster relief to far-flung crisis-hit areas.

The Chinook can also be used to deploy artillery guns at high altitude positions with the China border in the northeast.

The Border Roads Organisation would also use the Chinook to complete road-building projects in the North East that have been stuck for years for want of a heavy lift chopper that can carry material and equipment through narrow valleys.

Chinook is one of the two helicopters other than the Apache attack choppers for which India had signed deals in 2015-16.

 timesnow

China’s media slams Trump over border comments, says he is ‘driving a wedge’

China’s State media on Friday said United States President Donald Trump was trying to “drive a wedge between China and India” over his offer to mediate amid the on-going border tensions.

On Friday, Mr. Trump reiterated the offer, first made on Twitter, telling reporters he had spoken to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. “They have a big conflict India and China. Two countries with 1.4 billion people. Two countries with very powerful militaries. India is not happy and probably China is not happy,” he said. “I can tell you; I did speak to Prime Minister Modi. He is not in a good mood about what is going on with China.”

The Global Times, a Communist Party-run newspaper, said in a commentary that “a conflicting China-India relationship serves [U.S.] interests”. “Washington believes the combined strength of Beijing and New Delhi could impair its interests in Asia and beyond. An opportunist U.S. has never given up its attempt to drive a wedge between China and India…. the Trump administration emphasises India as a major pillar in its much-touted Indo-Pacific concept.”

 The newspaper mocked Mr. Trump for his knowledge about India and China. “It seems Trump finally knows that China and India, the two largest Asian powers, share borders. Early this year, A Very Stable Genius, a book written by two Washington Post journalists, revealed that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was shocked and concerned when Mr. Trump told him India and China did not share a border,” it said.

The commentary described the current stand-offs as “reminiscent of the 2017 Doklam stalemate”, which it blamed on India for “illegally construct[ing] defence facilities across the border into Chinese territory in the Galwan Valley region”. Noting that Doklam was “successfully solved with concerted efforts and wisdom,” it said “the latest dispute can be solved bilaterally by China and India.” “The two countries should keep alert on the U.S, which exploits every chance to create waves that jeopardise regional peace and order,” the newspaper said.


Bilateral discussions

On Thursday, Indian officials said both sides remained “engaged” through diplomatic and military channels in New Delhi and Beijing and at the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in order to resolve the situation along the boundaries in Ladakh and Sikkim. Indicating that India would not accept Mr. Trump’s offer to mediate, officials said the matter was being discussed bilaterally. “We are fully engaged with the Chinese side to peacefully resolve the issue,” said Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Anurag Srivastava.

The Global Times noted that last year “India turned down Trump’s offer to ‘help’ and ‘mediate’ between India and Pakistan over Kashmir, an issue India stressed can only be discussed bilaterally”.
 “India probably has found that the U.S. is not a reliable partner,” it said. “The self-centered ‘America First’ policy endorsed by Trump can hardly reconcile with Modi’s ambitious ‘Make in India’ campaign, and a trade deal was elusive even during Trump’s high-profile visit to India in February 2020 when the two were locked in trade frictions. India perhaps has been aware of the US’ bad history of mediation in which the U.S. made troubles rather than solved problems, and which turned bilateral disputes into multilateral ones.”

China-U.S. ties have plunged to a nadir amid rising tensions over a growing number of issues, from China’s handling of the COVID-19 pandemic and trade ties, to Hong Kong and Taiwan. On Thursday, speaking at the conclusion of the annual National People’s Congress (NPC) in Beijing, China’s Premier Li Keqiang in his annual press conference called on China and the U.S. to manage their differences and “discard a ‘Cold War’ mentality”.

The tensions with the U.S. were the focus during the NPC in Beijing, with Mr. Li and the Foreign Minister Wang Yi both not mentioning India in their annual press conferences. China’s Defence Minister and People’s Liberation Army General Wei Fenghe warned during the NPC that relations with the U.S. were entering “a high risk period”. “The U.S. has intensified suppression and containment of our side since the outbreak, and China-U.S. strategic confrontation has entered a high-risk period,” said General Wei. “We must strengthen our fighting spirit, be daring to fight and be good at fighting, and use fighting to promote stability.”

thehindu

IAF chief calls for big push to indigenous defence production

Chief of Air Staff Air Chief Marshall R K S Bhadauria called upon the defence manufacturing industry to grab the opportunity presented by the current situaion and work together with IAF to “change the face of Indian defence industry”.

Operationalizing No 18 Squadron of the Air Force, equipped with indigenously made final operations clearance (FOC) version of light combat aircraft (LCA) Tejas Mk1 at Sulur in Tamil Nadu on Wednesday, Bhadauria urged the defence industry to synergize with other stakeholders to design and develop aviation systems suitable for air force.

Addressing members of the squadron, delegates from Hindustan Aeronautics Limited and Aeronautics Development Agency after the official ceremony, Bhaduaria said a lot of work was happening in IAF in order to fine tune its capabilities. This fine tuning on technology and capability fronts was being done as far as possible within the country.

 “Only when it is absolutely essential, we seek capability outside,’’ he said, underlining the significant role the defence industry could play in the current phase to cater to the needs of the IAF to design and develop suitable indigineous defence systems. “So much is possible within the country,’’ he said.

Noting that IAF was close to signing the contract for 83 Tejas Mk 1A fighter crafts with HAL, he said the mission and requirement of IAF for the next two to three decades was to seek indigenously made systems, from Tejas Mk 2 crafts, radars and technologies among other things.

Bhadauria stressed more than once on the need for synergy and working together by defence design, development, production sectors with the Air Force.

“We should be able to grab this opportunity and change the face of defence industry in the country in the next 10 to 20 years. If you do not act now , you will lose time and opportunity,’’ he said. Bhadauria noted that in trying to change the face of the defence industry, budget will be an issue, but budget constraints should not become an excuse for the industry to not take off.

Earlier, Bhadauria said the operationalization of No 18 squadron was a moment of pride for Sulur Air Force Station, the Air Force and the defence manufacturing industry.

With the operationalisation of “Flying Bullets” and induction of Tejas, Sulur now has two squadrons equipped with Tejas. “Flying Daggers”, the No 45 squadron operationalised at Sulur in 2018, was the first to induct Tejas, but an initial operational clearance (IOC) version. The current version inducted into No 18 squadron is an improvised one, after incorporating the feedback given by airforce pilots.

HAL chief managing director R Madhavan, Girish S Dheodhare, Director of ADA, and Air Marshal Amit Tewari, Air officer commanding-in-chief of Southern Air Command were present. The famed No. 18 Squadron which participated in 1971 Indo – Pakistan war was formed 1965 but was decommissioned in 2016 and has been resurrected now at Sulur.

“As time goes on, No 18 and No 45 sqaudraons will become the core of our growth in terms of combat capabilities,’’ Bhaduaria said.

 TOI

Could a US nuclear test be a fortuitous opportunity for India?

A report last week in The Washington Post highlighting that the US government was considering the resumption of nuclear weapons tests could be good news for India. If the US breaks the informal ban that it has in place since its last test in September 1992, it provides India an opportunity to also follow suit, and confirm the design of its thermonuclear bomb, something it failed to do in 1998 tests. This remains a critical gap in India’s nuclear force posture.

Suspicions in the US that Russia and China may be breaching their commitments not to test have been around for the past two decades at least, with some of the issues related to the interpretation of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) in relation to hydronuclear and sub-critical testing.

But it is only now that the US has acted in a range of areas. The Trump Administration which terminated the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces (INF) treaty last year and has also taken the decision to fabricate low-yield nuclear weapons also believes that both Russia and China have been conducting very low-yield nuclear tests. The US itself does sub-critical tests with a zero yield, as required by the CTBT, which can test the components of a weapon. It also has a huge National Ignition Facility (NIF) that enables it to “maintain the reliability and safety of the US nuclear deterrent without full-scale testing.”
 Though, officially, India claims that it has thermonuclear weapons, the reality is that the test conducted on May 11 1998 was a fizz. Not only was it not picked up by anyone else in the world, it was not even picked up by an Aviation Research Centre (ARC) facility in Karnal, near Delhi, which has been around since the 1960s to detect Chinese nuclear tests.

Thermonuclear weapons are a key element of India’s nuclear doctrine, which in essence, says that any attack on India will be met with “massive retaliation.” The Draft Nuclear Doctrine of August 1999 had declared that “any nuclear attack on India and its forces shall result in punitive retaliation with nuclear weapons to inflict damage unacceptable to the aggressor.”

India’s official nuclear policy which came as a press statement of January 4, 2003 following a Cabinet Committee on Security discussion says that India would adopt a posture of “no first use” and that nuclear weapons would “only be used in retaliation against a nuclear attack on Indian territory or on Indian forces anywhere.” Further, that India’s retaliation to “a first strike will be massive and designed to inflict unacceptable damage.”

India’s commitment to “massive retaliation” received indirect confirmation in April 2013 through a speech of the convener of the National Security Advisory Board, Shyam Saran. In the remarks, clearly in response to the development of small tactical nuclear weapons by Pakistan, Saran reiterated that India would not be the first to use nuclear weapons, but regardless of the size of the attack, India’s retaliation “will be massive and designed to inflict unacceptable damage on the adversary.” The word “massive” has a context in nuclear strategy literature, and usually pertains to what are called “city busting” strikes, as against those that target military facilities.
The problem is that from the outset there have been question marks about whether or not the Indian thermonuclear test worked. There was considerable debate and discussion in the aftermath of the Pokhran II tests on this issue, with Department of Atomic Energy scientists claiming they had purposefully kept the yield of the device low so as not to damage nearby villages. After months of study, senior US nuclear intelligence analysts, however, concluded that the thermonuclear test was a failure.

In August 2009 K Santhanam, DRDO’s point man in the nuclear programme revealed that the test had indeed been a failure. At the time he was head of the Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA), the Ministry of Defence think tank, and the remarks were made at an off-the-record meeting. But when the story hit the media, Santhanam took a diplomatic stance, arguing that no country had managed to get its thermonuclear weapons right in the first test. But later in an article with Ashok Parthasarthi he came out clearly with his stand that the test “actually failed”.

It turned out that the government was given a report by the DRDO, based on its instrumentation at the Pokhran site, confirming the fizzle. The other report was based on seismic readings provided by the ARC’s various facilities, including the one in Karnal, that had been set up to monitor Chinese nuclear tests. Santhanam’s view was backed by people like P K Iyengar, whose analysis of the tests indicated that the secondary of the thermonuclear device worked at just about 10 percent efficiency.

So, as Santhanam and Parthasarthi concluded, India’s nuclear weapons had been tested only to a yield of 25 kilotons, where the need of the doctrine was of weapons of 150-350 kilotons.

To come back to the US development, we could now be at an important juncture with regard to our flawed “credible minimum nuclear deterrent.” India needs to be prepared for a strategy to exploit any step the US may take to break the moratorium. Given the way the US works, it is more than likely that it will make one set of rules for itself, and another for India.

Equally, we will have to understand that any resumption of testing means the end of the Indo-US nuclear deal. That may not be such a great loss, now that we have seen that it has not quite worked the way it was intended to. In another set of circumstances, it could have damaged India-US relations. But things are rapidly changing and that may not happen.

The US itself is taking the lead in dynamiting a succession of arms control, as well as other multilateral agreements. It wants to now remake the world order on a different ‘plurilateral’, rather than multilateral framework. The US has torpedoed a number of arms control agreements with Russia, and walked away from a number of international agreements, the Paris Climate Change treaty, the Iran nuclear accord, UNESCO, the UN Human Rights Council and now it has got the WHO in its cross-hairs.

It has also virtually supported the annexation of Palestine by Israel. A second Trump term could well see a burial of the already dead CTBT, and, if we get lucky, even the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT). We should be prepared for what could well be a dystopian future in which each country has to look out for itself.



 ORFonline

PM Modi’s ‘Doklam team’ back in action to stand up to China in Ladakh

 India has pushed in high altitude warfare troops with support elements to the eastern Ladakh theatre to counter Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) aggressive posture designed to browbeat the government to stop building border infrastructure in the Daulat Beg Oldie (DBO) sector as it may threaten the Lhasa-Kashgar highway in Aksai Chin. The specialised Indian troops are familiar with the Tibetan Autonomous Region of China and are tuned for operating at rarefied altitudes.

The scale of PLA deployment - two brigades strength and more - indicates that the move has the sanction of Beijing and not limited to local military commanders.

“From Australia to Hong Kong to Taiwan to the South China Sea to India and right up to the US, a bellicose China is staring at the world for domination at all costs,” said a senior government official after a meeting convened by Prime Minister Narendra Modi to review the situation on Tuesday.

 For three faces at PM Modi’s strategy meeting, this was the second time in three years that they were faced with a similar situation. National Security Adviser Ajit Doval, Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat and Foreign Minister S Jaishankar. This was the team that had crafted India’s response to the Doklam standoff in 2017 that lasted 73 days. General Rawat was then the army chief and Jaishankar, India’s foreign secretary.

The messaging from Tuesday’s meeting mirrored India’s response to the 2017 standoff when Indian troops dug in and stood their ground in the face of a rapid mobilisation by the Chinese side.

Officials said while India favours de-escalating the situation on the LAC through mutual respect and dialogue under the peace and tranquility mechanism in place, PM Modi’s ‘Doklam team’ has been told to prepare for all eventualities.

In purely military terms, the Chinese dominance and deterrence posture in the DBO sector is an effort by the PLA to try to prevent India from executing its rapid border infrastructure building plan. This summer is the last chance it has.

“The Darbuk-Shyok-DBO road will be completed this year and will raise the Indian capacity to rapidly deploy in the area. If the road project is blocked, the Indian Army will be forced to live off aerial supply lines and prepare for an arduous route linking Sansoma to Murgo to DBO through glaciated Saser La,” a national security planner in the government said.

To be sure, there has been friction between the Indian Army and PLA in Pangong Tso, Galwan and Depsang Plains for the last two years. But most of these were taken care of.

“Just as China has built infrastructure within its own claim line without any objections from India, the former is opposed to any Indian infrastructure build up as if New Delhi has military objectives while Beijing has done this to promote tourism,” said a former army chief, a reference to the infrastructure on the Chinese side where all military outposts are linked by metalled roads to the base camps.

While China has all plans to stare down India into submission with its all-weather ally Pakistan deliberately initiating troop movement in neighbouring Gilgit-Baltistan region, India cannot afford to budge from its position as this will amount to acceding to Xi Jinping’s cartographic expansion in the area through military muscle.

It is in this context that the Indian Army has inducted more troops in the theatre with others undergoing through the acclimatization process as this may be a long haul.

“The Chinese have already initiated psychological operations through its mouthpieces to remind India of the 1962 border skirmish in the same area. But this is 2020 and the leader is Narendra Modi,” said a senior cabinet minister.

hindustantimes

Defence minister Rajnath Singh holds telephonic conversation with Australian counterpart

Defence minister Rajnath Singh on Tuesday held a telephonic conversation with his Australian counterpart Linda Reynolds, focusing on taking forward the defence and security cooperation between the two countries.

The two ministers also discussed possible areas of cooperation in the global fight against the coronavirus pandemic which has infected over 55 lakh people and killed 3.4 lakh globally.

"Both ministers conveyed their commitment to take forward the initiatives of bilateral defence and security cooperation under the framework of the India-Australia strategic partnership," a statement by the defence ministry said.
 India and Australia have been ramping up cooperation in the maritime security sector with a focus on ensuring peace and security in the resource-rich Indo-Pacific region.

It said Singh informed Reynolds about India's contribution to the global fight against the pandemic and talked about possible areas of mutual cooperation to deal with the crisis.

TOI

India firm, won’t step back from areas where Chinese troops have intruded

India will remain firm on the ground in the ongoing troop confrontations in eastern Ladakh where it said China has violated the unresolved boundary and obstructed Indian patrols even as New Delhi remains committed to a peaceful and diplomatic resolution.

Top government sources said India will continue to “defend its interests resolutely”, deploy “appropriate resources” and work for a peaceful resolution of the dispute, indicating that troops in a forward position will resist the Chinese intrusions along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

India will soon resume border infrastructure construction activities derailed by the coronavirus pandemic, but will remain “open and flexible” in diplomatic talks with China in a bid to resolve the military stalemate in the Himalayas, another set of sources said.
 In an articulation that stood out for forthrightly naming China as the intruder, sources said while India has always remained conscious of where the LAC lies, China has from time to time violated the unresolved boundary, and the government “doesn’t know what their motives are”.

All activities and border patrols by India were being undertaken well within its own side of the LAC in eastern Ladakh, the sources said.

“But despite that, the Chinese obstructed the Indian patrols. The two sides are engaged diplomatically both here and in Beijing to address the issue, but there won’t be any compromise when it comes to the defence of our territory,” a source said.

This came after a flurry of meetings in South Block, defence minister Rajnath Singh and national security advisor Ajit Doval monitoring the developing situation closely as India sought a non-escalatory posture even while making it clear that it will not allow the LAC to be unilaterally altered.

India is now actively looking at politico-diplomatic intervention to resolve the crisis after several rounds of major general and brigadier-level negotiations at the Chushul-Moldo and Daulat Beg Oldie (DBO)-Tien Wien Dien (TWD) border personnel meeting (BPM) points have failed to break the deadlock, as was reported by TOI a day ago.

India is keeping a close eye on troop reinforcements and fortifications by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) at the four-five confrontations sites on the northern bank of Pangong Tso, Demchok and the Galwan Valley region through satellite pictures and a variety of “surveillance platforms” like aircraft and drones.

“The situation is serious but not alarming. The Indian Army position is clear that it will not allow the status quo to be changed unilaterally by PLA soldiers, who have intruded 1-3 km into what India considers to be its territory,” said another source.

“Indian troops will not budge an inch from their forward positions but will take care not to unnecessarily provoke the PLA troops as per the laid down protocols between the two sides. BPM and hotline talks are being held at the colonel, brigadier and major-general levels but without any breakthrough as yet,” he added.

The Indian Army has moved its battalions under the Leh-based 3 Infantry Division (a division has 10,000-12,000 soldiers) forward to their ‘operational alert areas’, with units from other areas replacing them in the ‘traditional depth areas’, as was first reported by TOI.

China has deployed an estimated 1,200-1,500 soldiers in the almost eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation at the different sites in eastern Ladakh spread across a broad frontage of the LAC. The PLA has also diverted at least 5,000 soldiers towards the border from an exercise it was holding in the region as a show of strength.

TOI

LAC remains tense, satellite images show China’s troop buildup

The situation along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in the Ladakh region remains tense as thousands of troops remain deployed at the front after a series of Chinese transgressions in the Galwan and Pangong Tso areas of Ladakh since early this month.

Over the past days, the Indian side has reinforced troops, including plans to move in formations from other theatres to bolster formations in Sub Sector North (SSN) that has been facing unusual pressure after China moved in several hundred troops into the Galwan valley. The Chinese side has also commenced construction of bunkers at the touristic Pangong Tso lake into what India has firmly referred to as its territory.

Reports about enhanced Chinese deployments in the region have been confirmed by recent satellizete images that show over 80 tents as well as heavy vehicles that have crossed the LAC, as was first reported by ET.


The images – more detailed satellite information is expected in coming days – shows that the Chinese side has moved in troops both across the LAC as well as on its side of the border as the crisis continues. Reports are also coming in of heavy Chinese deployments in its side of the border, akin to the Doklam crisis of 2017 when several thousands troops were moved near Sikkim by the PLA.

However, sources said that the Chinese deployment is being matched by the Indian side and both the road to the strategic region as well as an airfield at Daulat Beg Oldie (DBO) remain functional to bring in additional troops.

At the Pangong Tso lake – the location for several popular Bollywood movie scenes – the Chinese side seems to be attempting a shift of the LAC by moving in by 2-4 kms along the finger area. A new bunker complex is coming up and Indian patrols that used to go to the West have been blocked.

While diplomatic conversations are on, as things stand, the on ground positions suggest a shift of the Line of Actual Control for the first time since the 1962 war when Chinese troops carried out a massive invasion and overran Indian posts across the northeast and Ladakh.

economictimes

India boosts troop strength, moves in equipment as standoff with China continues along LAC in Ladakh: Report

Amid continuing tensions along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Ladakh following skirmishes between Indian and Chinese troops, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of China has deployed more than 5,000 troops across different locations along the de-facto border in the sector.

To match the PLA presence along the LAC at flashpoints in Ladakh, the Indian Army has also boosted its troop numbers. Further, the Army is also reported to be enhancing its presence in other areas as a precautionary measure and to deter the Chinese troops from carrying out any further transgressions.

A report today said the Chinese have shifted their troops, who were participating in a massive exercise on their side of the LAC, to areas across the de-facto border that are controlled by India.
 ANI reported that the PLA troops have been deployed at a short notice in areas which are under the command of Indian Army's 81 and 114 Brigades. These brigades have been specifically deployed to keep the Chinese off from Daulat Beg Oldie and adjoining areas.

Army sources were quoted as saying in the report that along with troops, the Chinese have also moved in heavy vehicles near the Pangong Tso lake and finger area. The Chinese troops have taken up positions, erected tents and built up defences well within the Indian territory, sources added.

The report said the Chinese troops have walked into the Galwan Nala area from their road head some 10-15 kms from the Indian post KM120.

In the past, while India has objected to the Chinese building roads in the area opposite to the Indian positions, the Chinese have raised objections to the Indian Army constructing a bridge near the Indian patrolling point 14 near Galwan Nala.

To counter the Chinese aggression, India has boosted troop numbers and moved in equipment at the Indian post KM120, which is normally manned by 250 troops from the Army and the Indo-Tibetan Border Police.

Further, troops have been moved in into the eastern Ladakh sector using the airfield in the Daulat Beg Oldie sector, from reserves and other areas, to match the Chinese strength there.

The ANI report said quoting sources that the Indian side was left surprised for a brief period over the manner and speed in which the Chinese moved in their troops in the Galwan Valley.

When reports last came in, while the local commanders and the senior Army leadership were in touch with their Beijing counterparts to end the standoff, there was not much progress as the Chinese have been rigid this time to end the crisis at the earliest.

timesnow

China hikes defence budget to $179 billion, nearly three times that of India

China, the second-largest military spender after the US, has hiked its defence budget from last year's 177.6 billion to $179 billion, nearly three times that of India, the lowest increment in recent years apparently due to the heavy disruption caused to its economy by the Covid-19, according to the official media.

China, which has the world's largest military of two million troops, will continue to lower its defence budget growth rate to 6.6 per cent in 2020, according to a draft budget report presented on Friday to National People's Congress (NPC), the country's top legislature.

The 2020 defence budget continues to see single-digit growth for a fifth consecutive year. It is the lowest growth rate in recent years, the state-run Xinhua news agency reported.
 China's this year's defence budget will be around 1.27 trillion yuan (about $ 179 billion) against last year's 177.61 billion, according to the draft submitted to the NPC.

China's total defence spending in 2019 only amounted to a quarter that of the United States, the world's largest defence spender, while the per capita expenditure was just about one-seventeenth, the report said.

On Thursday Zhang Yesui, spokesperson for the NPC in a media briefing played down criticism about lack of transparency in China's defence expenditure which defence analysts say considering the rapid expansion of Beijing's military and modern weapons is far higher than what is announced.

Zhang said China had no "hidden military spending".

China has been submitting reports on its military expenditures to the United Nations every year since 2007, he said.
"From where the money comes from to how the money is used, everything is accounted for," Zhang said.

According to Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), the military expenditure figures of China's defence spending in 2019 amounted to $232 billion.

While China compares its defence expenditure with the US, whose defence budget according to SIPRI was $732 billion, Beijing's massive defence modernisation drive is pushing India and a number of other countries to hike their own defence budgets to ensure reasonable balance of power.

India's budget for 2020 amounted to $66.9 billion (Rs. 4,71,378 crore) according to a write-up in Indian Institute for Defence and Analysis, (IDSA). China's latest budget of $179 billion is amounted to about 2.7 times more that of India.

China's defence spending has been staying at around 1.3 per cent of its gross domestic product for many years, well below the world's average of 2.6 per cent, Zhang said.

China's defence budget in recent years acquired limelight as it embarked on a massive modernisation which included a number of aircraft carriers, stealth aircraft, rapid development of modern naval frigates.

Since Chinese President Xi Jinping came to power, China has revamped its defence forces, cutting the army by three lakh troops and enhanced its naval and air power as Beijing expanded its influence abroad.

China currently has one aircraft carrier, the second one is undergoing trials while the third is being built. According to official media reports, China plans to have five to six aircraft carriers in near future to challenge the US all around the world including in Beijing's backyard the South China Sea (SCS).

China claims all most all of the SCS as its territory. Vietnam, Philippines, Malaysia Brunei and Taiwan have counterclaims on it.

China is engaged in hotly contested territorial disputes in both the South China Sea and the East China Sea. Beijing has built up and militarised many of the islands and reefs it controls in the region. Both areas are stated to be rich in minerals, oil and other natural resources and are also vital to global trade.

 TOI

China saved Nepal PM Oli's govt, he raised border dispute with India to repay favour

India and Nepal share a unique relationship of friendship and cooperation by open borders and direct people to people contact, but Nepal has now raised rhetoric by releasing a controversial map of the country which shows Indian territories of Lipulekh, Kalapani, Limpiyadhura as its own.

The question arises that at the time when India and China have enhanced military presence in Ladakh, why Nepal has opened a front against India. Recently, Indian Army Chief General Manoj Mukund Naravane said that if Nepal is raising the issue, it is doing so at 'someone else's behest'.

In the early May, the political crisis had deepened in Nepal and senior leaders of Nepal Communist Party had publicly demanded Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli ‘s resignation. At the time when political turmoil was on the peak, Oli approached China which is said to have played a significant role in saving his government.
Chinese Ambassador Hou Yanqi held a series of meetings with senior Nepal communist Party leaders and resolved the crisis. She also sought the support of Nepal against an international movement targeting China.

Most Political analysts agree that it is not Nepal but Oli personally who is behind the developments. Oli has manipulated the UML and MC merger process to capture both posts of Party Chairman and President. While applying one man one post principle for everyone, Oli refused to follow it himself, leading to opposition from other leaders.

He also made his close confidant as President. When there was opposition by Madhav Nepal and Prachanda to his leadership of the Party, Oli approached the Chinese Ambassador for help. Then Chinese Ambassador pressurized Madhav Nepal and Prachanda to back off and saved Oli. Now Oli is paying back for this help.

It is also believed that China engineered the grand alliance of two of the biggest communist parties in Nepal. In 2018, KP Sharma Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal, better known by his moniker 'Prachanda', had joined hands to form the Nepal Communist Party.

The way New Delhi used to influence Nepal politics has now been replaced by China. In the past, Nepal never had any objection over India constructing road till Lipulekh pass for ensuring a smooth ride to Kailash Mansarovar.

A day after Nepal’s cabinet endorsed a map showing of Indian territories Lipulekh, Kalapani, Limpiyadhura areas as part of its territory, India termed it "artificial enlargement of territorial claims."

"The Government of Nepal has released a revised official map of Nepal today that includes parts of Indian territory. This unilateral act is not based on historical facts and evidence. It is contrary to the bilateral understanding to resolve the outstanding boundary issues through diplomatic dialogue. Such artificial enlargement of territorial claims will not be accepted by India," Said Anurag Srivastava, Official Spokesperson of Indian Ministry of External Affairs.

MEA added that Nepal is well aware of India’s consistent position on this matter. "We urge the Government of Nepal to refrain from such unjustified cartographic assertion and respect India’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We hope that the Nepalese leadership will create a positive atmosphere for diplomatic dialogue to resolve the outstanding boundary issues," the MEA said.

New Delhi sees an increased Chinese role in Nepal as a reason for current remarks by Kathmandu. Indian Army Chief General Manoj Mukund Naravane had hinted at foreign involvement with Nepal raking up the Lipulekh issue.

Army Chief, speaking at Defence Ministry think tank IDSA's online meet, said, "I do not know exactly what they are exactly agitating about. Never been a problem in the past, reasons to believe they might have raised these problems, issues at the behest of someone else and there is very much a possibility."

If we peep into history, when the British demarcated the border between India and Nepal, they made the Mahakali river as the base. Nepal believes that its boundary does not start from the river but from the first waterfall in the mountains. If this claim of Nepal is accepted, India will have to lose 5-km area to Nepal, covering about 32 sq km, besides a large part of the Lipulekh Pass.

In the 19th century, Britain had attacked Nepal several times and reached an agreement, known as Sugauli accord. Under this agreement, Nepal gave up its claim on the areas of India which it had in possession.

During the 1857 War of Independence, Nepal's army helped Britain. Pleased with this, Britain had returned a lot of land to Nepal, especially the areas of the Terai region including Janakpur and Kapilvastu. Indo-Nepal boundaries were re-determined in 1865. After a silence of so many years, Nepal's recent move appears to be at the behest of China.

 DNA

Indian forces accuse Chinese troops of blocking patrols

Indian armed forces have accused Chinese''s People''s Liberation Army of blocking patrols and unnecessarily erecting tents and deploying forces at Sikkim and Ladakh inside Indian territory on the Line of Actual Control (LAC) between the two countries.

It all started after Chinese Army objected to India constructing a critical road near north of Pangong Tso (lake) on its side in eastern Ladakh. The Chinese side then suddenly started increasing the deployment over the region, which led to a face-off.

Indian forces too have increased deployment, sources said.

The Indian side clearly maintains that it is building the road link in its area in the same way as the Chinese side has done in the area under its control.

The two sides disengaged in Ladakh on May 6, a day after the troops came to blows. However, the situation remains tense, sources said.

The Chinese troops have increased their deployment in the Galwan Valley, far away from Pangong Tso (lake), which is also a face-off point.

To resolve the issue, top Indian military officers and Chinese counterparts are in talks. But Indian forces have maintained that construction work on the Indian side will continue.

In Sikkim, some Indian and Chinese soldiers were injured during a face-off along the boundary May 9. It took place at Naku La sector in Skikim, ahead of Muguthang, a pass at a height of more than 5,000 metres. Around 150 soldiers were present when the confrontation took place. Later, it was resolved at the local level.

Indian Army officially said that there were two incidents of face-off, which were marked by "aggressive behaviour by both sides," resulting in minor injuries to troops, after which both sides disengaged after dialogue and interaction at local levels.

Reacting to the development, Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Tuesday claimed that "the Indian Army crossed the line across the western section of the Sino-Indian border and the Sikkim section to enter the Chinese territory".

The statement said the Chinese side had taken up the matter with India, asking it to "immediately withdraw the personnel across the line, restore the status quo of the relevant areas, strictly restrict the frontline troops, observe the important consensus reached by the leaders of the two countries and the agreements signed by the two sides, and jointly maintain peace and stability in border areas."

The Ministry of External Affairs has not yet reacted to the Chinese statement.

 IANS

U.S. Navy Sends Sub-Hunting Helicopters to India (Target, China?)

Last week, the United States Navy announced a $904.8 million contract modification awarded to defense contractor Lockheed Martin’s Sikorsky for 24 MH-60R Seahawk helicopters. The contract includes $113.1 million from the Navy’s fiscal year 2020 aircraft procurement account along with $791.7 million in foreign military sales money, as 21 of the submarine-hunting aircraft are for India while three are for the U.S. Navy.

The new helicopters will supersede India’s current fleet of British Sea King anti-submarine warfare (ASW) helicopters and could enter service by 2024. India has been involved in a decade-long process to replace the aging British naval helicopters, but it has been seen as urgent as Chinese People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) warships, underwater drones and even “maritime militia” civilian-flagged fishing boats from China have been operating in the Indian Ocean.

The need for the ASW helicopters in the Indian Ocean was seen as so dire that the three originally earmarked for the U.S. Navy will be delivered to the Indian Navy by next spring, and all three will be modified to Indian standards.

“This really was one of the higher priorities the [Indian] navy had, to get these aircraft delivered,” Tom Kane, director of Sikorsky’s Naval Helicopter Programs told reporters as reported by Breaking Defense. “I requested that the aircraft be made available on an accelerated basis. So I think there is an urgent need.”

 Defence Aviation Post

India-Nepal ties soured by controversial map and China's backstage play

Indo-Nepal relations are currently at the lowest ebb following the Himalayan nation's decision to release a controversial map showing several Indian territories as its own. India on Wednesday (May 20) rejected the new map and asked its neighbour to respect its sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Reacting strongly to the map, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) official spokesperson Anurag Srivastava stated that Nepal's unilateral action is not based on historical facts and evidence. India, however, reiterated that these disputes should be resolved through dialogue.

The question arises as to why the thousands of years old friendship between the two neighbouring nations are witnessing this phase. The only country in the world to be a Hindu nation besides being associated with the Ramayana and the life of Mahatma Buddha, Nepal's new political map has claimed the three important areas located in Uttarakhand--Lipulekh, Kalapani, and Limpia-Dhura, as its own territory.

Putting his claim, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli said that Nepal has the right over these three areas and he will take them back at any cost even if India gets angry. While addressing Parliament, Oli also blamed India for the spread of novel coronavirus in his country and added that the deadly virus from India is more dangerous than the virus from Italy and China.

Nepal appears to be doing this at the behest of China, placing its thousands of years old ties with India at stake. On the contrary, a Chinese government news channel CGTN on May 2 described Mount Everest as its part, but Nepal kept quiet despite considering Mount Everest as the crown over its head.

On 8 May, when India inaugurated a road linking the Lipplekh Pass to the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra route near the Nepal border in Uttarakhand's Pithoragarh, Nepal immediately objected to it and stated that India has constructed the road in its territory.

The indo-Nepal border is about 1690 km long and there has been no dispute between the two countries but Lipulekh Pass and Kalapani are becoming a bone of contention between the two nations.

The new road that India has built from Pithoragarh to Lipulekh will save a lot of time for Kailash Mansarovar Yatra. Earlier, pilgrims had to walk 80 kilometers on a difficult route to reach Lipulekh, which usually took 5 days, but through this new 74.6 km long road they will reach here by their own vehicles. The rest of the journey can be covered on foot.

The Kailash Mansarovar Yatra, which used to be completed in two to three weeks, can now be completed in just one week. There are two other routes to visit Kailash Mansarovar: the first goes through Sikkim's Nathula Pass while the other passes through Nepal's capital city Kathmandu. Both these routes are much longer than the Pithoragarh route.

The new route's 85% area passes through Pithoragarh in Indian territory while 80 to 85% of the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra through the other two routes fall in the Chinese region. Since China considers Tibet as its territory, travelers to Kailash Mansarovar have to take a visa from China.

Lipulekh also holds a strategic significance as it connects India's Pithoragarh with Tibet, and through this pass, the trade has been continuing between India and Tibet for ages. Nepal's objection to the construction of this new route raises several questions.

Surprisingly, India has been working on this road since 2008, but Nepal never objected to this project in the past 12 years. China too did not object to it when the Indian cabinet in 2018, gave its nod to complete the project in two years.

If we peep into history, when the British demarcated the border between India and Nepal, they made the Mahakali river as the base. Nepal believes that its boundary does not start from the river but from the first waterfall in the mountains. If this claim of Nepal is accepted, India will have to lose 5-km area to Nepal, covering about 32 sq km, besides a large part of the Lipulekh Pass.

In the 19th century, Britain had attacked Nepal several times and reached an agreement, known as Sugauli accord. Under this agreement, Nepal gave up its claim on the areas of India which it had in possession.

During the 1857 War of Independence, Nepal's army helped Britain. Pleased with this, Britain had returned a lot of land to Nepal, especially the areas of the Terai region including Janakpur and Kapilvastu. Indo-Nepal boundaries were re-determined in 1865. After a silence of so many years, Nepal's recent move appears to be at the behest of China.

For the past several years, the Indian Army has been stationed at Lipulekh Pass and Nepal never objected to it, but China seems to be provoking Nepal now. Indian Army Chief Manoj Narwane, however, recently indicated at this possible development.

The ongoing political battle in Nepal is understood to be the core reason behind Prime Minister Oli's diatribe against India, as the latter wants to retain his chair with the help of China.

 Zee News

Plan to Buy 114 Foreign Fighters, Says Air Marshal Days After CDS's Push for Made-in-India Tejas

Days after Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat said that the Indian Air Force was planning to the locally-manufactured Light Combat Aircraft 'Tejas', Air Chief Marshal RKS Bhadauria contradicted him while detailing a list of planned aircraft.

Bhadauria on Monday said that the list of aircraft planned to be inducted by the IAF includes 36 Rafales, 114 multirole fighter aircraft, 100 advanced medium combat aircraft (AMCA) and over 200 LCAs in different variants.

Bloomberg had quoted Chief of Defence Staff Bipin Rawat as saying that in order to replace the ageing fleet of the Indian Air Force (IAF), 83 more jets will be bought from Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL).The purchase, in addition to an earlier deal to buy 40 of the aircraft, will cost $6 billion, he said. Rawat maintained that the induction of the LCA into the IAF will help establish India as an important defense exporter due to the relatively low prices.

The move will be a milestone in India's bid to start using locally-made weapons, even though there will be some quality issues in the beginning, the CDS was quoted as saying.

However, Bhadauria told ANI: "This project (114 jets) is in the middle-weight and is in the Rafale class, in this issue, we will deal with it in the Make in India region, with an increase in FDI, with support to the private sector. I think in future this will bring in technology which is required to support the aviation sector. I think it is important to have another generation of aircraft in terms of capability, technology as we go along."

 News 18

Chinese troops resort to aggressive posturing in Ladakh, North Sikkim: Sources

Tension is gradually building up between Indian and Chinese armies in several areas in Ladakh and northern Sikkim along the un-demarcated Sino-India border with both sides bringing in additional troops, days after they were involved in two violent face-offs, authoritative sources said on Tuesday.

Both the Indian and Chinese armies have brought in more troops in sensitive locations like Demchok, Daulat Beg Oldie and areas around Galwan river as well as Pangong Tso lake in Ladakh, the sources said.

The area around Galwan has been a point of friction between the two sides for over six decades. They had a showdown over it in 1962 as well. The sources said both the sides have deployed their troops around Galwan river and Pangong Tso lake -- the two areas where they used to carry out border patrol.
 It is learnt that Chinese side has erected a sizeable number of tents in the Galwan Valley area following which India is keeping a hawk-eye vigil there.

On May 5, around 250 Indian and Chinese army personnel clashed with iron rods, sticks, and even resorted to stone-pelting in the Pangong Tso lake area in which soldiers on both sides sustained injuries. In a separate incident, nearly 150 Indian and Chinese military personnel were engaged in a face-off near Naku La Pass in the Sikkim sector on May 9. At least 10 soldiers from both sides sustained injuries in the incident, according to the sources.

Neither the Army nor the Ministry of External Affairs commented on the escalating tension between the two armies.

In its reaction to the two face-offs, the Ministry of External Affairs last week said it remained committed to maintaining peace and tranquility along the border with China, noting that such incidents could have been avoided if there was a common perception about the frontier.

It is learnt that additional troops have also been rushed to several areas in northern Sikkim as part of their aggressive posturing in guarding the disputed border.

A report by China's official media on Monday said Chinese troops have bolstered their border control measures in the Galwan Valley in the Aksai Chin region.

The Chinese action followed "India's recent, illegal construction of defence facilities across the border into Chinese territory in the Galwan Valley region," a write-up in the state-run Global Times tabloid said, quoting unnamed military sources.

The aggressive posturing by the two sides came amid India's escalating border row with Nepal over construction of a strategically key road linking Lipulekh Pass with Dharchula in Uttarakhand.
 Army Chief Gen MM Naravane last week said Nepal objected to the newly-inaugurated road at the behest of "someone else", in an apparent reference to a possible instigation by China on the matter. Nepal rejected the comments.

The Lipulekh pass is a far western point near Kalapani, a disputed border area between Nepal and India. Both India and Nepal claim Kalapani as an integral part of their territory.

It was not clear whether Gen Naravane will visit Nepal soon, following a tradition of the new Indian Army Chief visiting Nepal after taking charge.

His predecessor Gen Bipin Rawat visited Nepal less than three months after taking charge during which he was conferred the title of honorary general of the Nepalese Army. There is a custom of honouring the army chiefs of Nepal and India by each other keeping with the traditional friendly ties.

China on Tuesday said the Kalapani issue is between India and Nepal and hoped that the two neighbours would refrain from "unilateral actions" and properly resolve their disputes through friendly consultations.

The 80-km-long strategically crucial road at a height of 17,000 km along the border with China in Uttarakhand was thrown open by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on May 8.

The troops of India and China were engaged in a 73-day stand-off in Doklam tri-junction in 2017 which even triggered fears of a war between the two nuclear-armed neighbours.
 The India-China border dispute covers the 3,488-km-long Line of Actual Control, the de-facto border between the two countries. China claims Arunachal Pradesh as part of southern Tibet while India contests it.

Both sides have been asserting that pending the final resolution of the boundary issue, it is necessary to maintain peace and tranquility in the border areas.

China has been critical of India's reorganisation of J-K, and has particularly criticised New Delhi for making Ladakh a union territory. China lays claim over several parts of Ladakh.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping held their first informal summit in April 2018 in the Chinese city of Wuhan, months after the Doklam standoff.

In the summit, the two leaders decided to issue "strategic guidance" to their militaries to strengthen communications so that they can build trust and understanding.

Modi and Xi held their second informal summit in Mamallapuram near Chennai in October last year with a focus on further broadening bilateral ties.

Zeenews

HAL Entering Naval Utility Helicopters Competition Will Erode Navy’s Operational Capability

One of the important policy reforms announcements done by the government in defence manufacturing in India last week was allowing foreign original equipment manufacturers (OEMs) to invest up to 74 per cent Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in defence ventures in India. In the medium to long run, this could be a welcome measure but in the meantime, the proposals pending with the Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) will have to be quickly cleared since there are critical gaps that Indian armed forces are faced with.

One ready example is the long drawn out saga of procuring utility helicopters for the Indian Navy. First proposed in 2008, the case for replacement of the Chetak helicopters was projected under ‘Buy global’ category of procurement. For six years, nothing happened. In 2014, the DAC directed the Indian Navy to withdraw the case and initiate a new proposal under ‘Buy and Make (Indian). The next year, in 2015, the DAC again directed Navy to combine the requirement with the overall ‘Consolidated Helicopter Acquisition Strategy.’ Later, the DAC decided to progress the case under the strategic partnership (SP) model. The acceptance of necessity (AON)— the first step in the long road towards procuring a platform–was accorded in August 2018, three years after it was decided to go the Strategic Partnership (SP) model way!
 In July 2015, the Dhirendra Singh Committee on Make in India mooted the idea of SP Model for creating capacity in the Private Sector as an alternate to DPSUs/ PSUs in strategic sectors of defence manufacturing. Later, Dr Atre Task Force recommended the Model to be followed which did away with the bidding system. However, this was retained and Chapter 7 on SP Model was included in the DPP.

The then Minister of State for Defence, Dr Subhash Bhamre in a reply to Rajya Sabha stated, “SP Model would provide a Transparent, Objective and Functional mechanism to encourage broader participation of Private Sector in addition to DPSUs/OFB’. ‘It will provide greater self-reliance in meeting national security objectives’. This is also included in the Preamble of Chapter 7. It reads, in parts:

:: Definition of SP Model vide Para 3 – “Such a partnership between the MoD and the Indian private Entity will be known as Strategic Partnership”.

:: “Overall aim will be to build indigenous capability in the Private Sector to design, develop and manufacture complex weapon systems”.

:: “….private companies have pointed to the lack of a level playing field as compared to DPSUs/OFs”.

:: “As with liberalization of economy in 1990s, involvement of Private Sector in defence manufacturing will have a transformational impact”.
While Para 9 of Chapter 7 states that “MoD may consider the role of DPSUs/OFBs at the appropriate stage(s) keeping in view the order book position, capacity and price competitiveness,” Para 18 of amplifying instructions issued to Chapter 7 at a later date clarify “At the accord of AoN, DAC shall consider the participation of DPSUs/PSUs in the specific proposal keeping in view the order book position, capacity and price competitiveness”.

So in keeping with the above, the DAC before giving approval to AON for the Naval Utility Helicopters had indeed discussed the participation of Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd (HAL), a DPSU.

That time, according to all available figures, the HAL’s order book was overflowing even when it did not have the commensurate capacity.


Order Book Position vs Capacity of HAL in 2018

Total orders = 353 helicopters and 83 LCAs

:: Ka 226T : 200
:: LUH :15 (10 IAF+ 05 IA)
:: ALH : 77 (16 IN+16 CG+45 IA)
:: ALH(WSI): 18 (IA)
:: Chetak/ Cheetah – 43 (25 IA+08 IN+10 IAF)

The Navy had pointed out over the years that despite knowing its requirements, HAL had not been able to provide it with a shipborne helicopter since 2003 when the first Advanced Light Helicopter (ALH) was delivered to the Navy. And yet, HAL, using various means has managed to insert itself as a competitor for the NUH which has now become a critical necessity for the Navy, further delaying the project, defence sources point out. Apart from a poor track record in meeting deadlines, HAL does not meet cost competitiveness in the NUH proposal either. According to one calculation, the cost of an advanced fully equipped helicopters in ALH class is between13 to 18 Million US dollars whereas the cost of the ALH is estimated to be around 16 million US dollars. Moreover, the ALH is not yet a fully proven seaworthy platform.

Sources point out that the Indian Navy has lost five Chetak helicopters in the last 7 years. The number of Chetak helicopters available with the navy will reduce considerably by 2023 to 2025 and the navy will be faced with a major capability gap. Inclusion of HAL will result in setting back the procedure by at least another two years. The capability gap, therefore, will be a critical vulnerability of ships at sea. For this reason alone, HAL should be kept out of the competition in this particular proposal, those who have been watching the never-ending saga of NUH procurement point out.
Naval aviators have also listed out several other reasons why the ALH—proposed by HAL for the NUH competition—is not suitable. For one, the ALH does not meet the Qualitative Requirements of the Indian Navy. The helicopters being operated by the Navy presently and the 16 new ALH Mk III on order are to be operated only from the shore as they are not capable of being operated from ships.

Secondly, HAL has been indicating that it is working on the blade folding capability on ALH (a must for parking and storage on ships). However, the segmented blade folding as a concept has been rarely utilized across the world’s navy’s since it is not found to be practical. The Indian Navy is therefore in a fix. It fears that the inclusion of ALH MK III as a platform for NUH with HAL as a strategic partner will result in either or all of the following (a) Force the Indian Navy to accept a platform with reduced capabilities compromising its operational requirements.; (b) Necessitate modifications to NSQRs of NUH delaying the entire Project further and (c) Time overruns resulting in further delay in inducting this capability into the Navy.

None of the three scenarios is very palatable for a navy that is a premier security provider in the Indian Ocean and is facing increasing competition from the resurgent Chinese Navy.

Hopefully, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and other members of the DAC will be sagacious enough not to force HAL’s entry into a critical project.

 Bharat Shakti

Rs 47,000 Cr LCA Fighter Aircraft Projects To Be Finalised In Next Few Months: IAF Chief

In a big boost for defence under the Make in India initiative, Air Force Chief RKS Bhadauria on Monday said that the second squadron of Light Combat Aircraft (LCAs) worth over Rs 8,000 crore would be operationalised by the end of May.

Speaking to ANI, the Air Force Chief said the force is also expecting to finalise a contract worth around Rs 39,000 crore for 83 LCA Mark 1A Aircraft in the next quarter. "The first squadron is already operationalised. We were to operationalise the second squadron in April, we have resurrected the squadron. But due to COVID-19, it got delayed.

Some work at HAL had stopped which has restarted. Hopefully, before the end of this month, we will inaugurate the second squadron of LCA. It's worth just in terms of aircraft and ground assets, will be upwards of Rs 8,000 crore," Bhadauria said here.
 Speaking about the future programs on LCA, he added, "We are pushing hard for 83 LCA Mark 1A, that's our immediate focus area. Within the next quarter, we should be able to sign it. Most of the negotiations have been completed and I think the Ministry is going to move it in a month or so." He said that this project would range around Rs 39,000 crore.

Besides this, the Air Force Chief stated that they are also going to make good progress on the weapons side with Astra MK-1.

"We are pushing the Astra weapons, the Beyond Visual Range weapons order would be in place within about six months or so. Also, long-range precision-guided ammunition would be in place," he said.

Supporting the increase in the limit of FDI by the Centre from 49 to 74 per cent, the IAF chief said, "This will have a large impact as far as Make in India is concerned. The 74 per cent FDI limit should be seen with support measures for MSMEs, the broad directions towards public sector enterprises which have come out in terms of sectoral reforms, and the 74 per cent FDI."

"This will have a huge impact on Make in India for indigenous production. The industries should work towards utilising these reforms which have been put in place," he further said.

  Business World

ITBP, army step up vigil after Chinese choppers violated Indian air space, twice

Indo Tibetan Border Police - frontier force has stepped up vigil along international border with China in tribal Kinnaur and Lahaul and Spiti districts after the Chinese choppers violated Indian airspace twice in April and then in first week of May.

Chinese choppers have been spotted twice in Sumdoh in tribal Lahaul and Spiti district that shares it’s borders with China . Indo Tibetan border police had spotted two Chinese choppers on April 11 and then again on April 20th . Himachal Pradesh shares 260 km of porous borders with China. Of the total border length, 140 km is along tribal KinnaurThe ITBP posts are situated in Lakuma, Morrang, Morni, Dogri, Rishi Dogri, Domti and Niltahla pass.” In the wake of reports of air incursions along international border, the police is keeping on situation “ said Inspector General of Police , ( intelligence) Daljeet Singh Thakur. Indian Tibetan Border Police and the army conducted recce along the international border after Chinese choppers violated the Indian air space and beefed up security . Chinese army choppers usually conducts aerial reconnaissance in April and May months . While the Indian army choppers also carried areil reconnaissance along the border .The military and Indo Tibetan Border Police personnel could not trace any tale signs left by the Chinese helicopters.

Chinese army has been constantly strengthening its infrastructure along international border in Lahaul Spiti and Kinnaur district , even as frontiers were peaceful during the 1962 aggression .

There are high passes along the Chinese border that forbids the troops from both sides to intrude into each other’s territory. The main passes between China and India in Himachal Pradesh includes the Khimokul Pass and Simthong Pass, located ahead of the Trungla valley, which crosses into China-occupied Tibet.

Similarly, the 5,280-m-high Rangio La and 5,320 Keobrangla pass situated ahead of Nesang valley lead to Tibet.

Yamrangla - situated at the height of 5,570 m - is the highest mountain pass. The 5,200-m-high Shipki La pass is the most famous pass between the India-China border.

Shipki La Pass is used for the cross-border trade between two countries. The trade route was closed after the Chinese aggression in 1962, but was reopened after India and China signed a protocol in 1994. The trade between the two countries restarted in 1994.

Shigastay, in China, controlled Tibetan autonomous Region is the closest air base to Indian border. Airport in Shigastay is being dually used for army and civilian flights are nearly 100 kilometres away from Kaurik in Kinnaur. district, while 80 km of border falls in tribal Lahaul and Spiti district.

Five battalions of the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) are guarding the border with China. In total, there are 20 ITBP posts along the border. The sensitive post includes Kaurik - it’s the last village situated beyond Sumdoh.

hindustantimes

Make the Naval utility helicopter an example of Atma Nirrbharta

Just as Indian Navy reached the threshold of opening doors to private sector participation in indigenous helicopter manufacturing, a series of seemingly unconnected high-level interventions and policy announcements have turned the spotlight back on the Indian Navy’s Naval Utility Helicopter (NUH) project.

In a sudden turn of events nobody foresaw, novel initiatives from the incumbent government came up against the Novel Coronavirus-19 (Covid-19) pandemic. A global recession stares us in the face. Shrunk defence budgets are a grim reality now for the foreseeable future.

The Indian Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Gen Bipin Rawat was quoted saying “the Indian Armed Forces must not go in for large amounts of imports by misrepresenting our operational requirements”. Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressed India on May 12, 2020 on Covid-19 with a forceful plea to make India atma nirbhar or self-reliant. Following PM Modi’s speech, Finance Minister Nirmala Seetharaman unveiled a slew of ‘big-bang’ reforms, some of which will shape the future of ‘Make in India’ for defence.
 In policy matters, two-plus-two don’t always add up to four. Public pronouncements at a high level can have intended and unintended consequences. Recent news reports indicate that “companies have been asked to explain if the (NUH) programme has export potential”. The government may also consider giving defence PSU Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) a chance to enter the NUH competition.

Whither Strategic Partnership?

The Strategic Partnership (SP) model was introduced by Indian MoD as Chapter VII in DPP 2016 based on recommendations put up by the Shri Dhirendra Singh Expert Committee. The objective of SP was to create capabilities in the private sector for manufacturing key defence technologies. Military helicopters were identified as one of them. This was in addition to the already well-established capabilities of DPSU and Ordnance Factory Board (OFB). Capacity building, more players in the market, wider choices, healthy competition, potential to make and export – the possibilities are immense. The user (services), in turn, would stand to reap rich harvests from the new paradigm.

Imagine USA or Europe where aerospace & defence (A&D) majors like Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Bell Flight, Leonardo, Northrop Grumman, etc. (with a thriving ecosystem of smaller private sub-contractors) compete head to head for every slice of the defence pie. Now look around Indian DPSUs and OFBs. Organisationally, culturally and functionally, they resemble relics from an era gone by. In the 21st Century, we still do not manufacture here in India a helicopter (or modern fighter) that is globally accepted or even considered fair competition.
 SP’s First-born – Naval Utility Helicopter

IN’s Naval Utility Helicopter (NUH) program became one of the first projects allotted to SP. It’s not as if the navy is an ideal candidate for such experiments. Quite the obverse, actually. The IN has barely enough helicopters to retain self-respect. Yet, to its credit, IN took the lead; with hope that the long-standing capability void left behind by HAL’s ALH Dhruv would get filled. This also aligned with progressive government policy.

The Department of Defence Production (DDP) that is responsible for all DPSUs and OFBs recently questioned the very basis for allotting NUH under SP. Through a series of letters drafted by their consultant early this year, DDP argued that since HAL-designed ALH meets all naval requirements, it should be the obvious choice for NUH under IDDM – ‘Indigenously Designed Developed and Manufactured’ category. In the least, MoD should issue the NUH Request for Proposal (RfP) to HAL as well, they contended. HAL has been quoted that they are “generally in agreement” with the consultant’s views.

A system fine-tuned to reward DPSUs?

Whether this is part of a larger canvas for self-reliance and nation-building, or lobbying by HAL to get ‘foot in the door’ at a critical stage of the NUH-SP program, we may never know. But it is neither unique nor surprising. Not a single case for defence equipment moved by any service can see the light of day without DDP and its cohorts drawing blood. Many cases reach fruition through them, some despite them. Many flounder due enforced U-turns the services had no way of countering except file notings opaque to the world.
 In this regard, naval aviation remains one of the biggest losers among all three services. The IAF managed to induct many medium lift helicopters, Apaches & Chinooks, even as they kept HAL’s order books busy with the ALH. For the Indian Army that grew up on Cheetahs and Chetaks, the ALH Mk III or Rudra is manna from heaven. They invested in the ALH in a big way, learning many lessons along the way. In last two decades, all that the navy has inducted in rotary wing are eight shore-based ALH, six UH-3H resurrected from a boneyard in USA, and a handful of AEW KM-31 bought from Russia.

Key decisions lined-up ahead

Recent reports in media would have us believe that IN’s entire exercise of building a case for NUH – starting from 2008 when the specifications were first written – was to walk into the arms of foreign vendors or flush foreign exchange down the drain. If such views are considered on merit, it raises some interesting questions.
Firstly, why did the NUH – a government-approved Strategic Partnership (SP) program under PM Narendra Modi’s flagship ‘Make in India’ banner – ever get MoD approval in the first place, that too for the navy which faces the most acute shortfall in helicopters? Secondly, why did HAL wake up in the 21st Century to offer the same product (Dhruv) that forced IN to look for other options because it failed to meet their expectations in the last century?
 The naval scope creep that saw NUH specifications inflate from 4.5-tons to 5-tons maximum takeoff weight (MTOW), thereby bringing it closer to ALH (5.5-ton MTOW), drew more competitors, including HAL, into the fray. Fear of losing out on a INR 21738 Cr deal ($3bn), missed opportunities, and a lacklustre naval order book could be contributory factors for intervention by HAL/DDP.

A time-tested strategy

This strategy of waiting in the wings, using formal and informal access to corridors of power, exploiting benevolence of policymakers, defending critical gaps in quality or low productivity with futuristic promises, toying around ad-infinitum with ‘children of monopoly’ that derail or fall short of the services’ expectations, and then – at crucial decision points such as this – jumping to throw a spanner into the works, this is a time-tested, low-cost option often exercised by DPSUs and DRDO laboratories.

In the absence of credible competition from the private sector, this has spelt doom and run aground many projects the three services formulated with great enthusiasm. Vested interests often betray an elephantine yet selective memory that play-up, very conveniently, only one side of the story. How soon we forget past pain and expensive lessons!

Customer is king or customer is kind?

India would not be one of the world’s largest importer of arms if the DPSUs and OFBs were a hallmark of efficiency. Unlike shipbuilding, where many shipyards and PSUs compete with each other, in aerospace, HAL wields complete monopoly in India.
To be sure, the ALH is yet to meet its own 35 year-old naval staff qualitative requirements (NSQRs) in key areas such as range and endurance, blade folding, stowed dimensions, aircraft availability and serviceability. These are non-negotiable specifications for helicopters that operate for extended duration at sea. The navy did not stumble upon this non-compliance yesterday or in last Aero India air show. This has been the case from the time the Dhruv first took to sea. Even today, the naval ALH is not a platform of choice for a naval warship proceeding out of harbour.

The navy’s 2-decade indulgence with naval Dhruv has left it with a product whose manufacturer claims today that a new blade fold solution will be fielded soon. This after three decades of dealing with NSQRs. What couldn’t be achieved over 30 years is now proposed to be made ready in months. A segmented-blade proposal flying on the Light Utility Helicopter (LUH) and a mock-up of tail boom folding showcased during Aero India 2019 are the latest offerings. None of this has been flight tested or proven on the machine. If mock-ups and promises could fly, we would’ve had a fleet of Dhruvs occupying empty decks and cavernous hangars on every other IN warship’s deck.

A grim caution

Looking through this chimera, I feel, we may be about to repeat old mistakes.

Firstly, all promises and timelines quoted by DPSUs must be treated with deep circumspection. This is a system plagued with “caveat emptor” or “buyers beware”, a nebulous sense of purpose, and no meaningful competition. Nobody is accountable to draw tough red lines or admit ‘it cannot be done’. It is just not there in our system. Services and HAL are equally complicit in this incest.
 With the benefit of hindsight, even a layman could have predicted in early 90s that the NSQRs would be compromised in favour of IAF and army specs (and numbers) that drove the ALH program. But dissenting voices were either ignored or simply outrun with the sheer staying power of a government entity.
 Such an outlook eventually breeds a complacent attitude, poor quality products and compromises on essential requirements. This takes nothing away from the capability of our workers, scientists, engineers or test crew. It is just the way any system would work in the total absence of competition. The SP model was meant to take this down by levelling the field for private industry.

Aircraft availability is a key metric for the navy where ALH has failed to impress. Low aircraft availability translates to higher maintenance reserve and high ground time a seagoing force can ill-afford. HAL’s repeated efforts to sell ALH to civil operators bears testimony to its commercial viability. To date, all exports of the ALH have been unsuccessful.

Realistic costing

Any arguments on the lines of ‘ALH is the cheaper option’ should be weighed against cost of product development and testing. If all the naval manhours, ships, submarines and consorts, opportunity costs, grounded helicopters, capability gaps because of undelivered promises, operational logistics, etc. are accounted & costed for, an alarming figure will emerge. This is true for products from most DRDO laboratories and DPSUs.

For example, costs associated with testing sensors for hundreds of hours, with consort ships (120+ uniformed souls onboard) standing by, shore bases activated, submarines deployed for months – all this must be factored against projected lower costs of products from the DPSU stable.
 Any arguments on saving foreign exchange by buying local should also take into account realistic estimate of indigenisation achieved on the ALH. Then again, selling these machines to a local, captive audience simply circulates money within different government departments. Why not set the bar higher, make local and export globally, thereby drawing foreign exchange into government coffers?

Redefining indigenisation from a public-private perspective

Indigenisation needs to be redefined from a private-public, collaborative, win-win perspective. It doesn’t have to mean everything made in India. An aeroplane or aero-engine is more than the sum of its parts. Today, we have a unique chance to walk the talk’ by engaging with private sector in defence by placing orders, not sloganeering.

It is 2020. The IN still doesn’t have an indigenous helicopter with seamless interface across all decks – one that sets a benchmark for navies worldwide. We have the unique opportunity today to infuse fresh blood into a languid system by tapping private sector resources. At this crucial juncture, IN must stay the course and the MoD must give private players a fair chance. HAL had more than their say and opportunities for over three decades. That did not get IN the capability it needs as of yesterday. To me, this displays indifference and lack of understanding on what actually constitutes a world-class naval helicopter.
 Conclusion

The IN needs real capability; one that brooks no concessions. We need helicopters that can remain at sea without cringing or making the crew cringe; without having to break parts; without having to burn holes into hangar bulkheads. To HAL’s credit, it still has order books brimming with ALH & its derivatives, a fair chance with the Ka-226T offered through Indo-Russian Helicopters Ltd (a JV of HAL & Russian Helicopters) and also the prospect of supporting strategic partners and MSMEs by becoming a Tier-2 supplier under the NUH-SP program. Then there is the Indian MRH / Naval MRH. I see a win-win situation for all sides, including HAL, if we are able to make SP model work and create synergies to manufacture world-class helicopters, not only for India but for the world.

If there is anything HAL needs most today, it is competition, not orders on a platter.

Inducting machines in the 21st Century that give a net endurance of 30 minutes with dunking sonar and lightweight torpedo proves only one thing – we learnt NOTHING from the naval ALH experience.

The MoD must take some tough decisions. Naval requirements are unique and demand a product designed from the sea level up. Through private industry participation in defence manufacturing we must aim to achieve parity with countries like USA and China, even Japan, that have harnessed the power of collaboration with clearly defined (& delivered) outcomes.

The ALH is a wonderful machine. Indian Navy’s two decade ‘social distancing’ from this helicopter was not out of any bias, but out of fundamental incompatibilities. The lessons from this experience must shape our decisions for the future.

HAL can be a friend, philosopher and guide to the nascent Indian rotary industry. The rising tide of “atma nirbharta (self-reliance) must lift all boats.

 TOI